Beware the black coat and ‘blinding’ paint
FORMER Assistant Advocate-General of Peshawar High Court Khurshid Ahmed took Islamabad by storm early this week with as little as a spray can of black paint with Ahmed Raza Kasuri, the federation’s counsel in General Pervez Musharraf’s dual office case, being his object of disaffection.
Khurshid’s feat competed favourably with the unsuccessful bid later in the day by Misbahul Haq to steal the thunder. While Pakistan’s new batsman of crisis fell short of the target for the second time in Twenty20, Khurshid had the measure of Kasuri in his own brand of 20/20 at first attempt.
Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz wasted little time in condemning the Peshawar-based lawyer’s adventure on precisely the grounds that will put the fear of God in those trying to defend unpopular and controversial regimes/offices: it would give ideas to people (to spray around a fresh coat of black paint in symbolic target shooting).
From the indulgent television coverage of the sensational episode, it does appear that spraying black could very well become the new way to paint the town red.
Given the endless stream of legal petitions coming the way of the Supreme Court — almost all challenging one act of the army chief/quasi-military regime or the other — the government would want to make an example out of the daredevil, which in fact, they did by reportedly, sending over six dozen cops to arrest him and then allegedly, preventing him from eating and access to medicines (he is a diabetic) while he was swivelled around four police stations over one night in captivity.
Khurshid reportedly said in an interview following his unique colouring prowess that the humiliation he wrought on Kasuri was deserved following the latter’s derogatory remarks against the lawyers community in a televised programme the previous day.
Given his penchant for wearing his heart on the sleeve — he once shot himself in the arm when Pakistan People’s Party refused him a ticket for the 2002 general elections — it was unlikely he would lose sleep over any punitive action after Kasuri filed an application against him with the Secretariat Police Station and an identical plea with the Supreme Court.
In fact, Khurshid reportedly claimed Kasuri’s blackened face was “one of the greatest achievements of my life, which, I hope, will earn me paradise”.
Kasuri, of course, refused to see the funny side of it and after a brief scuffle with the ‘man in black’ that led to a mutual exchange of colourful abuses summarily sought the Supreme Court’s intervention.
The federation’s lawyer accused Barrister Aitzaz Ahsan, an amicus curiae in the dual office case, Supreme Court Bar Association President Munir A. Malik, Justice (retired) Tariq Mahmood and former vice-president of Pakistan Bar Council Ali Ahmed Kurd of being the masterminds of the attack.
Much to his chagrin, however, the apex court asked the aggrieved to follow proper procedure and file an application. All the accused have denied Kasuri’s allegations although Munir Malik did tell DawnNews that “Kasuri asked for it”.
The interesting part about the most-publicised paint job in Islamabad’s recent history pertains to claims of the ‘painted’ and the ‘painter’. Kasuri felt the attempt was to render him blind. To augment his argument, he alleged that the spray was made up of a poisonous chemical — acid, according to some reports quoting Kasuri.
Khurshid ‘Mission Impossible’ Ahmed, however, begs to differ. If he is to be believed, the flippant substance was ‘liquid colour’ pure and simple. With contradictory claims on offer, may be lab experts should be called in to sit in on judgment. Khurshid has since announced a ‘Movement to Blacken Faces’ of those who, he says, resemble Mr Kasuri in character.
When Kasuri came out of the court after wiping the black ‘poison’ on his face later in the afternoon, he gave mediapersons to believe that the alleged attempt to impair his vision was an aim at “eyes that want to see a prosperous Pakistan”.
It was quite a visionary statement that, if true, saw through the design of an evil eye. Fortunately, for Kasuri, spectacles that he was wearing at the time saved him the blinding fury. He is, however, within his rights to wonder what the world of vengeful lawyers is coming to.
First, Naeem Bokhari paid the price for writing a damning letter to the Chief Justice — which many believe led to the reference filed by Gen Musharraf against the top adjudicator — by getting the thrashing of his life, a few weeks ago in Rawalpindi at the hands of irate lawyers.
It was an unfair call on Bokhari, since he had already earned the opprobrium of virtually the entire country save for, perhaps, a few in the government for his sleight of hand and then losing face after the chief justice’s landmark reinstatement.
Bokhari also saw his membership of several bar councils cancelled before enduring threats of getting the ‘treatment’ for venturing anywhere near those councils.
Kasuri has, at least, escaped the Mike Tyson treatment (remember how the boxer bit off a piece of rival Evander Holyfield’s ear in the 1997 The Bite Fight?).
Moral of the story? Beware the black coat and ‘blinding’ paint: in Islamabad, both are ‘in’.
The writer is News Editor at DawnNews. He may be contacted at kaamyabi@gmail.com
A deceptive book on ‘nuclear weapons conspiracy’
Deception—Pakistan, the United States and the Global Nuclear Weapons Conspiracy by Adrian Levy and Catherine Scott-Clark is a deceptive book. The sheer volume (586 pages) impresses you as you hold it. The authors have added profuse notes running into about 85 pages and there are four pages of bibliography and nearly 40 index pages. And the list of sources is more than impressive. The authors thank Benazir Bhutto, Nawaz Sharif, Shahbaz Sharif, Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan, Wajid Shamsul Hasan, Farhatullah Baber, Pervez Hoodbhoy, Samina Ahmed, Humayun Gohar, Brigadier Mohammad Yousuf, Hamid Gul, Mirza Aslam Beg, Asad Durani, General Arif, Farooq Leghari, Qazi Hussain Ahmed, VA Jaffery, Iqbal Akhund and the late Agha Shahi who they say were extremely generous with their time and memories. I am not listing the names of the US, Indian and British sources mentioned because many don’t mean much to Pakistani readers and some of them would not know more than what the above mentioned people know about Pakistan’s nuclear programme. The authors omitted naming a number of their sources because as the two said “(they) asked not to be named fearing repercussions, especially in Pakistan where speaking out nowadays gets people ostracised and even killed.” All this certainly adds an imposing aura to the book. But very quickly you find there is nothing much in the book you do not know already.
The husband and wife team of authors was there at Akber’s in Soho, where the book was launched on Wednesday for the benefit of a small group of local journalists and writers. Introductions over, I could exchange only a few pleasantries with the author couple because it was too noisy in the small pub for any intelligent exchange. Even then I found out quickly that Adrian is no friend of Musharraf. In fact he told me that not only he has been banned from entering Pakistan, but a dozen of his contacts and fixers had been picked up by the government agents and roughed up well and proper.
The name of the book I thought suggested it to be an investigative exercise tracing A.Q. Khan’s so-called clandestine nuclear proliferation network, how it was unearthed, who did what and naming and shaming of others involved in this game, besides Dr Khan. According to the claim of authors themselves, “Deception was pieced together with the help of a trove of official documents—restricted government memorandums, embassy cables, company telexes and classified reports, written by ambassadors, cabinet members, policy makers and civil servants—many of them released under the US Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) thanks to the endeavours of the National Security Archive at George Washington University, Washington. Others were obtained from contacts in India, Pakistan, London, the US, Israel and elsewhere.”
But long before you put down the book you get the feeling that the nuclear case has been used as an excuse to do a comprehensive but petty hatchet job on Pakistan. The graphic language used to re-tell stories told a hundred times if not more, makes the book read more like a horror tale but too transparent to horrify perhaps even the most gullible reader. It is more of an accusatory book desperately trying to pass off as a factual story. The authors have used a number of published facts and juxtapositioned them in such a way as to allow a large room for innuendoes to slip in creating the impression of being the real truth.
My interest in the book had been whetted by a recent statement of Benazir Bhutto that if she came to power again, she would not deny the IAEA access to Dr. AQ Khan who is in house arrest in Pakistan since he confessed to having single-handedly sold nuclear material and equipment in the international market. On the face of it she seems to have committed political blasphemy. More so because these are election times.
To digress a little, Ms Bhutto has this uncanny habit of taking the most controversial positions at the most ‘importune’ moments like general elections. I remember her giving a controversial interview to Radio Tehran on Kashmir soon after she was sworn in as prime minister for the second time but before the bye-elections. Nawaz used the story to criticise the PPP chairperson in his by-election speeches and regained all the seats but polled less votes than what he had in these very constituencies in the general elections. Similarly during the first Iraq war when the then COAS General Aslam Beg had manoeuvred to bring the nation out on the streets in support of Saddam Hussain, Benazir Bhutto, duirng who was doing her first stint as the leader of the opposition, was giving TV interviews in the US criticising Saddam. This had brought her party members in Pakistan under a lot of pressure but in the end it was only my friend Javed Jabbar who felt obliged to leave the party. I could go on and on about how Benazir has perfected this art of speaking ‘wrong’ things at the ‘right’ time or ‘right’ things at the ‘wrong’ time, without losing a grain of her support in the masses.
But let us now go back to the book. One paragraph in the first chapter (Introduction: The Core) of the book tells it all: In reality, Khan’s confession was a ruse. It takes more than one person to make a mess of this proportion. Khan was the fall guy and his performance papered over the true nature of what many now believe was the nuclear crime of all our lifetimes and undoubtedly the source of our future wars. The nuclear bazaar Khan claimed to have orchestrated certainly existed, but where the public and private stories diverged was that the covert trade in doomsday technology was not the work of one man, but the foreign policy of a nation, plotted and supervised by Pakistan’s ruling military clique, supposedly a key ally in America’s war on terror. The true scandal was how the trade and the Pakistan military’s role in it had been discovered by high-ranking US and European officials many years before, but rather than interdict it they had worked hard to cover it up.
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