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DAWN - the Internet Edition


September 16, 2007 Sunday Ramazan 03, 1428



Features


Playing the devil’s advocate
‘Stand by our man’



Playing the devil’s advocate


By Hajrah Mumtaz

Do the electronic media promote an interest in politics and related matters or is it possible that the cumulative effect is a dissipation of the public’s energy to participate actively in the political process?

Apparently, the former — but appearances are sometimes deceptive.

The most obvious indication of people’s interest – be it support or opposition – is street presence. There is no shortage of instances when the citizens of Pakistan have, to a greater or lesser extent, publicly demonstrated their stance on a person or issue by literally standing up to be counted. While many factors are involved in such demonstrations of public interest, two are seminal: people come out on the streets when, firstly, their belief in the given cause is very strong and secondly, when emotions reach boiling point.

It is possible that in certain cases, the media may actually dissipate the energy that would otherwise draw citizens out on to the streets. Given that in the current situation, every conceivable permutation of a matter is covered in great depth through news bulletins, talk shows, discussion fora etc, the people of Pakistan could be moving towards vicarious rather than active participation in the political process.

Just as television coverage of war has been observed to blur the boundaries between fact and fiction and render real conflict akin to an action film, so a surfeit of political shows could reduce the actual process to an on-screen drama that is two steps removed from the people.

The most obvious negation of this argument lies in the massive public support afforded to the legal fraternity’s recent efforts in support of CJ Chaudhry. By all indications, the media played a valuable role in publicising and raising popular support for the issue. The extensive coverage served to stir the citizenry’s interest and draw ordinary people into the battle and on to the streets.

By this logic, however, hundreds of people ought to have been on the streets to welcome Mr Nawaz Sharif when he attempted to return to the country a few days ago. It is true that large numbers of party workers had earlier been arrested by authorities that were in no mood to allow the man any sort of reception, least of all the hero’s welcome he appears to have expected. But leaving that aside, the citizenry’s interest was conspicuous by its absence, even in the province considered his prime constituency.

The public’s lack of interest may well be the result of exhaustion brought on by media overkill in the past weeks and months regarding the decisions and revisions of the major political players. The interested viewer has access to innumerable discussions on all shades of opinion. It is not impossible to imagine people switching off the television with their head spinning, rendered incapable of deciding what they ought to or wanted to support and what to oppose. In effect, they opted for a soothing glass of water over a hectic demonstration.

Furthermore, media exposure cuts both ways. It can raise public support and even occasionally create interest where none initially existed. But it also allows public figures to commit gaffes and expose their inadequacies under the full glare of the cameras. Pakistanis, meanwhile, are not only long in the tooth but cynical to boot. To follow the ‘familiarity breeds contempt’ logic, one of the effects of sustained media exposure would be to show that the men pacing the corridors of power are far too human to be afforded unquestioning loyalty and render the viewers less likely to forgive their failings.

Seen in this manner, the lawyers got public support because they exploded on to the screens out of virtually nowhere, and the cause they espoused was rather unprecedented. The politicians do not because they suffer from over-exposure — and their causes are old hat.

It is possible that, unbeknownst to themselves, the media are handing politicians the rope with which to hang themselves. Disclaimer: Pakistani politics cannot, of course, be so simply explained — there is much Machiavellian manoeuvring afoot. In this argument, however, only the media angle is pertinent.

— hmumtaz@dawn.com

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‘Stand by our man’

M. Ziauddin
 

A fierce email debate on how much was Nawaz himself responsible for Saudi interference in the country’s domestic politics raged for days among scores of Pakistanis even as they prepared and mobilised for a protest demonstration in front of the Saudi Arabian embassy in London’s Green Park.

The final consensus between the two sides — those who thought it was Nawaz who by agreeing to go to Saudi Arabia in December 2000 had himself invited the kingdom’s interference in Pakistan’s internal affairs and therefore does not deserve any sympathy and those who thought it had all happened on the initiative of Saudi Arabia, which they insisted, was acting at the behest of Washington — was, let the protest be staged even if Nawaz is in the wrong.

The protest, in essence, was against what the organisers believed to be the blatant show of disrespect for Pakistan’s Superior Courts.

Some of those who insisted that it were the Americans who had orchestrated the entire drama standing firmly behind President Gen Musharraf, back their arguments by also referring to an article of General Anthony C. Zinni (Commander of US Centcom in October 1999) published in Washington Post, interestingly on the very day (Sept 9) Nawaz had chosen to fly back home. Here is a relevant excerpt from the Zinni piece appropriately titled Stand By Our Man in Pakistan:

“As the turn of the millennium drew closer in December 1999, Jordanian officials uncovered a terrorist plan to attack US tourists visiting Middle Eastern sites during the New Year holidays. They arrested the suspects and gained valuable intelligence on their plans and leadership. Washington went on red alert, fearing further plots. At the time, I was commander of the US Central Command, which is responsible for the Middle East. Senior State Department officials asked me to contact Pakistan’s ruler, Gen Pervez Musharraf, to see whether he would conduct operations to seize the leaders of an Al Qaeda cell in Pakistan who had been identified by the terrorists now in Jordanian hands. Musharraf agreed, and his forces captured the jihadists. I was asked to contact him again to inquire whether US interrogators could have access to those arrested. He said yes. Three more requests were made, and each time he agreed.”

Interestingly, Gen Musharraf has conveniently ignored to mention in his book — In the Line of Fire — all these December 1999 and other pre-9/11 US ‘requests’ which he had readily met.

Earlier in June 2000 as well, they further said, the US had reciprocated Gen Musharraf’s gestures of ‘cooperation’ that Gen Zinni referred to in his article by abstaining from an IMF board meeting which was considering a crucial 10-month standby arrangement application from Pakistan.

If the US had attended the meeting, it would have had to oppose the application under the Pressler Amendment and the other US laws relating to nuclear detonation and the military takeover.

Tailpiece: The PML-N international headquarters in London has been a deserted place since the departure of Nawaz. Shahbaz Sharif appears to be still in a state of shock. And totally disorganised. I had an appointment with him for an interview at 3pm on Wednesday but when I reached the office at the appointed time I found it locked. I waited for about 10 minutes at the doorstep and then tried to remind him on telephone. On the second try he came on line, apologised and promised to come over in five minutes.

Meanwhile, a junior helper had come in and opened the office. But Shahbaz himself took almost 25 minutes to appear with his mobile to his ear seemingly giving another interview. By the time he was free it was 3:35pm. But as soon as I started my questions a private TV crew was ushered in obviously for an interview. And while he was exchanging greetings with the crew, he had another of those mobile interview calls. I had had enough and left saying I was done when my interview was not even half finished.

In the short exchanges that I had with him, Shahbaz insisted that despite their two-day talks with the Saudi prince and Saad Hariri in London, the duo’s press conference in Islamabad and the prince’s announcement that Saudi Arabia would take Nawaz back if Musharraf deported him, it never crossed the mind of the Sharif brothers that Musharraf and more so Saudis, would dare defy the Supreme Court ruling.

But the seemingly last-minute decision to leave Shahbaz behind shows that the Sharifs had not completely ruled out the possibility. But I did not have time to ask him why did the Sharifs think that it was time just on the eve of Nawaz’s journey back home to admit to the five-year verbal accord when they had insisted all along that there was no accord at all.

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