| August 12, 2007 | Sunday | Rajab 27, 1428 |
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Principle of rule of law
Debt trap
New American threat
Industrial estate
Must India ban this film?
Hostage to the sheikhs
Social choices in this polity
Musical chairs
Accounting procedure
Phone out of order
Readers are requested to restrict their comments to a maximum of 400 words. We reserve the right to edit letters for reasons of clarity and space. Letters, including those by e-mail, should carry the complete postal address of the sender. The views expressed in these columns do not necessarily reflect the views of the newspaper.—Editor
THE election is round the corner but we are still in a state of disarray as to what list to follow. This is not a good sign as this will lead to confusion about the credibility of the election and its results.
What we need to look at is why we have this situation of maintaining three different lists of people: the first list is of the year 2002, the second is election commission list of the year 2007 and the third is Nadra’s. Also we have to see which list would be most suitable for a transparent election.
First, we have to acknowledge the fact that the most well-organised is the Nadra list. Also, Nadra is the only body which has sufficient funds to increase its capacity in a short period of time to ensure that every citizen has an identity card in the next six months.
The president should authorise Nadra to update the database and get all individuals over 18 registered within months. Nadra should also be asked to conduct the election in a free and transparent manner by using its current bar code technology and web interface.
This will bring huge credibility to the election process as far as the citizens are concerned and it will also make the voting process smooth.
This will also take Pakistan to a new level of voting transparency, and will benefit the country for many years to come.
Also, a detailed resume and profile of each candidate and all pervious work done by him/her should also be available in any language, i.e. English, Urdu, Sindhi, Punjabi, Pushto, and Balochi.
Surely, all the stakeholders will be happy with this model as it will solidify the credibility of the election process and bring more accountability at all levels — from local bodies of tehsil, taulka, district to MPA and MNA seats.
The president will also greatly benefit from this as he will be leading a team of the executive branch of the government that is truly representing the voters and have true mandate to represent the people of Pakistan.
Z.H. EFFENDI
Karachi
MR Shahid Kardar’s opening statement in his article, ‘After long years of Bonapartist rule’ (August 5), begins thus: "Having sold her soul, one of Pakistan’s most inept political leaders with a reeking reputation has entered into an unholy alliance with a dying dictatorship ..."
Such an intense sense of moral indignation is inexplicable. Shahid Kardar is a highly competent professional of considerable integrity. However, can he or anyone of us claim uninterrupted devotion to pristine political principles sans compromise? How can he take such umbrage at Benazir Bhutto’s negotiations – no deal, as yet! – with the military regime, when he has himself served as a provincial finance minister under the same military regime?
Does, in his lexicon, negotiating with a military dictator amount to selling one’s soul, but serving as a minister under him does not? Is it that an integral association with a dictatorship in its heydays ‘holy’, but negotiating its departure during its dying days ‘unholy’?
And if he believes in the principle of the rule of law, should he not wait for Benazir Bhutto to be convicted in at least one of the cases before condemning her for her ‘reeking reputation’?
Shahid Kardar ends his article thus: “The army would be well advised to invite him (Nawaz Sharif) back and allow him to participate freely in the next election and then be ready to carve out a new partnership with civilian institutions …”
This is bizarre. First, Shahid Kardar pounds Benazir Bhutto to the ground for negotiating with Gen Musharraf. In the same breath, however, he advises the army to invite Nawaz Sharif and forge a partnership with him.
Does Shahid Kardar imply that the army should retain the power and the privilege of deciding who should be invited to form governments? Does he want the army to play host to Nawaz Sharif’s government?
Given that the invitee is always beholden to the host, would the civilian government’s subordinate position be acceptable to him? To what extent, such a government be accountable to the people? And by offering partnership to the army, does he acknowledge that he does not subscribe to the subordination of the army to the elected government?
DR KAISER BENGALI
Karachi
ACCORDING to a news item (Aug 4), the Punjab government expects to finalise negotiations with the ADB for $750 million soft loan by early October for the second phase of five years resource development programme.
The prime minister had earlier asserted that the begging bowl has been broken and that the government will follow a self-reliance policy. But it was not to be so. Not only the PM’s begging bowl is safe and sound but several other bugging bowls have surfaced.
Now the provinces too have begging bowls – in that the provincial governments and other institutions like the Karachi city government can negotiate with the ADB and the WB directly.
The WB, ADB and others are eager to lend money because idle money is a loss. On the other side, the corrupt bureaucracy and other vested interests in Pakistan are equally eager to grab foreign loans under one pretext or the other.
Borrowing funds for development projects which yield returns to pay off the debt may be acceptable but loans for non-development expenditure such as the WB loan of $46 million for land record management system in Punjab (March 1) are not excusable. Funds for such jobs should be found within own resources.
Due to excessive corruption, most of the loan amount is squandered, embezzled or plundered by vested interests. In fact, the ruling class in Pakistan is pushing the nation into the debt trap. Pakistan’s total public debt increased to Rs4.411 trillion over the last seven years (March 3). The total foreign debt is $38.86 billion. If these amounts had been utilised sincerely, there would not be poverty.
As per reports in Dawn issues, loans / grants / assistance worth about $11 billion have been contracted by Pakistan from the WB, the ADB and others during the period from Jan 1 to July 31, 2007. On July 7 alone the loan amount of about $4.5 billion was contracted.
The plunderers of national wealth have become super - rich, having their assets in foreign countries, whereas 74 per cent of Pakistan’s population is poor (less than $2 a day) and 50 per cent are extremely poor (less than $1 a day). What an iron! Loan amount is plundered by the elites but the poor masses are required to pay back. A substantial amount of the budget goes to loan instalments and loan servicing.
Now the judiciary has asserted the rule of law. It is a fit case for superior courts to take suo motu notice of the situation and regulate the loan-taking process to save the poor masses and coming generations from debt trap.
ABDUL SAMAD KHAN
Karachi
FINALLY the cat is out of the bag. The US has spelled out what it has been asking Pakistan for some time: `to do more’.
The ‘more to do’ is to commit the troops by Pakistan in the actual shooting war on terror in Afghanistan. The bag opener is Nicholas Burns, the US Under-Secretary of State for Political Affairs.
The next of the message, without mincing the words, is that “US will not hesitate to use its own forces to achieve this objective” (to defeat Al Qaeda in the battlefield by Pakistan).
This is the negation of US ambassador to Pakistan, Ms Anne Patterson, who denied reports that US has any intention to carry out a military operation inside the tribal areas of Pakistan.
On this issue the US administration seems to be divided between those who want to use force inside Pakistan ostensibly in the hot pursuit of Al Qaeda and those who prefer that Pakistan should be motivated to fight the terrorists inside Pakistan, if necessary, and inside Afghanistan also, if possible.
The latter group wants to avoid the opening of a new front at a wrong place — Pakistan, a sovereign friendly country with a ‘major non-Nato ally’ status.
The question would haunt the minds of many patriotic Pakistanis as to why the US has suddenly come up with this game of “threat, denial, threat again” after July 10? Has the date something to do with Lal Masjid operation? It is only a thought that the US saw the power of senseless religiosity in Lal Masjid operation — the armed forces’ hesitation to assault and the aftermath of the final crackdown that seems to leave the government helpless decided the Americans to go it alone.
There is another reason. The US has realised that it cannot win in Afghanistan (also in Iraq).
The military experts are advising the United States administration to withdraw from Iraq first and Afghanistan thereafter.
But withdrawal without success from either country would be humiliating; so a scapegoat is needed by President Bush.
And what better choice would be other than Pakistan.
M. K. NAQVI
Karachi
THERE is a news item that our Government intends to set up an industrial area specifically for the Chinese investors and then give them concessions. Also the foreign investement in the industrial sector will avail concessions. Why is this a biased policy ? Why not give the same concessions to the local industrialists ?
The newly developed Sundar Industrial Estate, Lahore, deserves to get some benefits like electricity at reduced rates. This will definitely increase the present slow pace of construction in the Sundar Industrial Estate.
SANA KAMRAN
Lahore
WHEN a young woman journalist rang up to ask a very simple question, “What are two good things which happened this year?”, my reply was quick in saying ‘Khuda key Liye’, a film made by Pakistanis, with a good if slightly sensitive theme, directed and acted by young unknown people. It was great to enter a comfortable clean cinema hall after many decades, as I have rarely seen our films which seldom appealed to me.
After the partition, the first film I saw was ‘Kirtan Singh’, which was good but nothing great. No government encouraged the film industry and, indeed, it almost vanished during the Ziaul Haq era, when it become impossible even to see a good English film.
‘Khuda key Liye’ was impressive, with a lot of thinking about its content, and observations that were relevant. It never became boring as the scene kept shifting from our country to another. The music was enjoyable, and the cultural mix was great.
I personally enjoyed Bulleh Shah being sung jointly by all students. The more culture is shared, the more friendship is possible. It is the understanding of cultures which brings people close together and allows them to discuss their way of life. To not show tolerance to other cultures is depriving ourselves of their riches. ‘Khuda key Liye’ did bring this point across.
Another thing I liked was that unlike the Bollywood films, where songs are sung whether or not the opportunity arises, in ‘Khuda key Liye’ the songs and music appeared according to the scene and dialogue.
Many of us feel that if our government and private entrepreneurs helped our film industry, it can flourish and bring in profits for the investors as well.
Nobody should misunderstand me. I am definitely not comparing this mini-effort to the giant Bollywood industry, but I must be honest. I enjoyed the film and felt proud that not all is dead within us.
What has surprised me and annoyed me was that I am told India has banned the exhibition of ‘Khuda key Liye’. There are a very few sentences they might object to, but these are so minor they are hardly worth commenting on.
This picture must be shown in India. It will give them a better understanding of what we go through, and is a kind of cultural exchange.
What is interesting is that everyone is discussing this film and giving their opinion, and there are few films which are discussed as much as ‘Khuda key Liye’.
I believe the film could have been slightly shorter and some scenes are not necessary. While Naseeruddin Shah adds weight to the film, he is not his usual brilliant self.
TAHIRA MAZHAR ALI
Karachi
ONE OF the first innovations that our prime minister, with a Wall Street background, introduced in the statecraft of Pakistan was the concept of ‘privatisation’, as he set up a separate ministry, in the charge of a minister of cabinet rank, to privatise national assets like the Steel Mill and the KESC, both located in Karachi.
His administration had almost succeeded in ‘pawning’ the former had the chief justice of Pakistan not put his foot down. What surprises everyone is the absence of any adverse reaction from Sindh’s docile provincial government and also from the maverick ‘defenders’ of Karachi’s interests.
Thus, while the Steel Mill continues to be a state asset, the KESC fell in the hands of our brothers - in - faith, the sheikhs, who have found a safe haven to park their petro - dollars in Pakistan.
There is nothing objectionable in selling national assets for the badly - needed hard cash in foreign currency, but what is causing extreme annoyance to the citizens of Karachi is the breakdown of efficiency in running the KESC, as also the PTCL, by their present owners who have no experience of managing such big undertakings.
Like me, neither one is sure how long one’s telephone will be functional nor whether electricity will not play hide - and - seek during the ensuing hot and humid summer.
The worst part of it all is that all the listed complaint numbers and telephone numbers of the PTCL and KESC officials remain constantly ‘engaged’ so that no complaint can be lodged with the officials on the grounds like the DET and his staff who are almost on paid holiday, their employers being blissfully ignorant of their functioning.
JAFAR WAFA
Karachi
THIS refers to Dr Shaaz Mehboob’s letter ‘Choices before society’ (August 9). A social change is possible in a society where an economic achievement (even at individual level) has been met.
Our honoured president always speaks of modernisation which is more likely to be westernisation. The state of an ordinary citizen is that they wish to live like in the good old days despite making a choice between religious fundamentalism and modernisation.
Muslims are used to living in the glorious past and this is more applicable in the case of Pakistani society. This generation is not very old; they have seen the time of Z.A. Bhutto with his slogan of bread, cloth and house. They have also seen the time of Gen Ziaul Haq, when even the labourers had the purchasing powers.
In this state of mind how is it possible to bring about a social change especially through a government which has no control at all over economic pressure groups? Edibles are the basic demands of ordinary citizens.
Our policy-makers (supposed to be foreigners) try to send us some financial or economical ad which is often not used for the well-being of people but for improving the security and social norms of our leaders. In this state of polity, a positive social choice, I suppose, is not an option.
ASSEF MUHAMMAD
Jhelum
IN today’s political arena two arch enemies are playing a game of musical chairs. The music is being arranged by the West while the country becomes a dumb spectator.
Two of the players are running around holding to their chairs as others cry foul.
The winners of this game will get the jackpot with the blessings of the West, allowing the country’s meager resources to be squandered yet again.
RAFI ADAMJEE
Karachi
ALTHOUGH accounting procedures followed by corporate entities allow the spread of total loss of the bad debts over a number of years by way of provisions, yet the tax procedures ignore year to year provisions and consider the loss only in the year when the bad debts are written off.
This obviously brings a drastic cut in the taxable revenue from he corporate sector. And if the write-off is effected on the prerogative of the government or the State Bank of Pakistan, then IR cannot be held responsible for less collection of tax revenue. But this is not the main issue here; this description is just to show how tax collections can be hampered.
The issue here is why that phenomenal Rs18 billion due from defaulters had to be conveniently written off. Why recourse to collateral was not applied and if the collateral was not there, then who had been responsible for granting clean loans to the people of power. Were the authorities in those banks ever questioned, investigated or penalised ? If not, why again ?
The lists of defaulters published by banks revealed they were all big names in civil and military bureaucracy, and in some cases the defaulted amounts were running into several hundred millions. The write-off looked like a mockery of banking controls. One would even say the write-off was like a bonus given to defaulters for their respective significance in the ruling circles. A glaring example of merry-making in the club of convenience where they all help each other, while micro - financing banks are stringent to the extent of forfeiting running units of small investors for default in repayment because they have no big connections to shield themselves..
This case of phenomenal write-offs of bank debts deserves investigation now that courts are no longer under political pressure. A relevant civic body should rise up to the occasion and file a suit against the authorities who ordered the write-off and helped close the cases of defaulters. Alternatively, courts’ attention may be drawn to consider taking suo motu action and reopen the cases of written - off bank debts.
If those billions can be recovered from the defaulters and brought back into national economy, it can start a new and honest programme of poverty eradication in the country under control of civic bodies.
The Poverty Alleviation Fund has bitterly failed to deliver and deserves to be disbanded in order to clear the way for implementation of a New Program for Poverty Eradication.
M. M. KHAN
Karachi
FOR more than a month my clinic telephone # 6641821 has been out of order. Complaints with the authorities concerned have so far proved fruitless.
I once again appeal to them through these columns to look into the matter.
DR ANEES H. MALLICK
Karachi
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