In spite of American arms expert David Kay's categorical statement on the issue, American and British governments continue to hold an indefensible position on the question of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction. Kay resigned last week after making the categorical statement that Iraq did not possess any WMDs.
He said he did not think WMDs "existed" at all and vowed he would not go back to Iraq again because his job was over. His statement was supported by Mohammad ElBaradei, chief of the International Atomic Energy Agency, who said he was "not surprised." Speaking at Davos, Switzerland, ElBaradei said his organization had made it clear even before the war that "there was no evidence" of WMDs being in Iraq's possession.
Kay's statement is embarrassing for President George Bush in an election year, because the arms expert's declaration demolishes the very basis of his war against Iraq. In his state of the union address to Congress, Mr Bush said the American attack was necessary, because if Washington had failed to act "the dictator's WMDs programmes would continue to this day.
" Vice-President Dick Cheney did not think Kay's statement was final and said "the jury's still out there" - referring to the Iraq Survey Group which is still hunting for WMDs. The same line was taken by the British government, which said the survey group had still not finished its job.
What Kay has said is nothing new. Much before the war, Hans Blix, chief of the UN Monitoring and Verification Commission, had said his team had found no "smoking gun" in Iraq. Yet a war was launched because America wanted it, even if the case it had made for the war was scuttled by the UN.
Regime change - that was what Israel wanted, and Mr Bush had to oblige, WMDs or no WMDs. America has won a resounding military victory, but in that process it has not only undermined the UN, it has also wrecked its own moral authority. It is not for the Republican administration now to sermonize to other nations on truth, freedom and justice.
Regulating petrol prices
The decision by the government of Sindh to allow an increase in transport fares (as a result of the latest increase in oil prices) warrants a closer look at the rationale behind the current system in place under which oil prices are revised every 15 days.
Of course, there is the oft-repeated argument against an upward revision in transport fares according to which the move is unfair to commuters. The transporters, too, seem to have a valid point since frequent increases in the price of diesel would increase their operating costs, which is both unfair and unrealistic.
However, something needs to be said about the way in which petrol prices are regulated. The current system, under which a committee comprising nominees of private-sector oil companies revises prices every fortnight, creates uncertainty in the economy.
A frequent revision of a price for a product like petrol, with widespread commercial and industrial use, can cause unwarranted short-term fluctuations in the price of not just public transport but many other goods and services with a significant impact on household budget.
The rationale for such a revision seems unclear since deregulation (which led to the formation of the current system of pricing) should not mean that the determination of petrol prices should be left entirely in the hands of oil companies.
If the government is keen on deregulation in this sector then it should at least ensure that the concerns of the commuting public are taken into account when prices are fixed. One would like to ask the oil companies whether they import oil on a fortnightly basis because if they do not, then why subject poor consumers to this? In the greater public interest, it would be better if oil prices were revised every quarter or so.