The new Jehalat

'Jehalat' refers to the era of pre-Islamic ignorance of barbaric times. Perhaps the reader is not fully aware that in parts of rural Sindh, Balochistan, southern Punjab and the NWFP, the conditions of the poor, uneducated, defenceless women are worse today than in the period of 'Jehalat'.

Women in these parts of Pakistan are regarded as a commodity - a valuable commodity depending on the age and grace of the woman - who could also be a minor girl/child. This 'movable' commodity which has an exchange value higher than the bovine or equus species can be bartered by her father, brother or other close relative for a variety of transactions such as compensation for a murder (wani, the custom of giving a minor or adult girl in marriage to a murdered man's relatives), settlement of land and property disputes, or watta-satta, (exchange of woman in marriage between two families). Perish the thought that the consent of the woman is required for these sordid transactions.

The bondage of a woman in these rural societies obliges her to be a virtual slave to her owner/husband. In the event of adultery, real or imagined - quite often imagined - the 'wali' i.e. husband or father is the sole judge, jury and executioner of the alleged indiscretion. The woman is declared 'kari' and the sentence is death (usually by an axe, very seldom by shooting). The male paramour - karo is seldom punished; he either absconds or can buy his freedom from the deceased woman's wali. Murder in such alleged circumstances is not regarded as crime, but an act of ghairat or honour redemption.

"A woman's in-laws in Khairpur Joso killed her as 'kari' for serving tea to her husband's friend. The family needed a quick infusion of cash and was able to secure a sizable sum from the hapless fellow who came to tea (Shah 97:242)." This and other quotations are from the Dark Side of Honour by Rabia Ali.

I have mentioned that the condition of our women is perhaps worse than in the time of 'Jehalat', for in those days the woman was only murdered if she was a real 'kari'. Today a woman does not have to be a real 'kari' to be axed to death. Research by Shirkat Gah in rural Sindh indicates that in approximately 50 per cent of 'kari' cases the allegation was a falsity or slander, the real motive being greed or property.

"Thus, under cover of karo kari, men kill innocent women to settle old vendettas, to acquire land, to secure money to pay off debts, to be freed from the obligation of paying back debts, to get a second wife, to get rid of an unwanted woman, and so on..... the man who kills his woman as kari is not a murderer but the victim of 'dishonour' who is entitled to compensation..... however, in its current form it has given a new twist to the commodification of women as usable, disposable and exchangeable objects: a dead woman can fetch a hefty 'prize' in cash or kind for her family." (reproduced from the research report).

In pre-Islamic history, women had no rights to inheritance, to marital rights or perhaps anything else. It was Islam, the last of the great semitic religions that bestowed basic rights on women. Polygamy was restricted and made strictly conditional; women were given inheritance and marital and legal rights perhaps for the first time in human history. What Islam did for the status of women in the 7th century was truly revolutionary. Women finally entered the comity of the human race.

What is happening today in Pakistan to women because of tribalism and "condonment" of murder in the noble name of Islam is truly retrogressive, reactionary and repulsive. Nothing could be further from the spirit of Islam. Also remember what the Taliban did to the women of Afghanistan and what their imitators are doing to the women of the Frontier today.

Consider: a woman suffers the ultimate insult that a woman can possibly suffer, which is rape. Unless she can produce four eyewitnesses to this devastating act, she will be accused of fornication under the present Hadood Laws and sentenced to a term of prison. The rapist usually gets away with no punishment for lack of evidence under Hadood laws or Tazir!!

Hundreds of women languish in jails today charged with fornication, which is a Hadood offence when in fact they are the victims of criminal assault. Could there be any travesty of justice on God's earth greater than this?

Consider: The Constitution guarantees the equality of sexes. A man can marry at will one or more women, but if a woman marries of her free will, her chosen man, her life is literally in mortal danger from her relatives or tribe. Such is the Shaista Almani case, which has recently hit the headlines. What is truly dreadful is that if the woman is killed by the family or clan, the murderer can literally walk away scot-free.

Reason: The Wali or the 'guardian' of the woman usually the father, brother or other near relative is in either complicity to the murder or is amenable to forgive the murderer if the price is right under Qisas. The Wali has the power to "condone" under the Qisas Ordinance. Such was the case of Saima Sarwar of Peshawar, mother of two who was murdered right in the office of a human rights lawyer in Lahore, in a plot hatched by her parents and executed by a servant and a relative. The murderers walk freely on bail obtained six years ago.

Saima's "crime" was to divorce her husband after suffering years of physical abuse. One screams at the 'dishonour' this brings to our country. Since the martyred woman cannot rise from the grave to seek retribution against her family, why can't the Supreme Court take 'suo motu' cognizance of such prima facie injustice?

The other big beneficiary is the police who play it both ways. They consider ghairat or honour as a private matter, yet are not averse to charging a huge fee to suppress an honour-killing incident.

'Karo kari' cases are pursued in the courts in a most dilatory manner. Such litigation mostly lingers on for years till the memory of the murdered woman is all but forgotten. Very few - may be 10-15 per cent of 'kari' cases are registered by the police, the majority of assailants are let off by the courts; convictions are few.

The table below gives a picture of murder condoned (1997 - May 31, 2003):-

We shout Islamic slogans from rooftops but each slogan seems to take us further away from the spirit of Islam? This great religion now interpreted at the lowest denominative level of an uneducated mullah, the spin-doctor and the Kalashnikov bearing enforcer.

The national women's commission consisting of 14 learned Muslims and one learned non-Muslim issued a brave report calling for the annulment of the Hadood Laws and its reintroduction in a manner which would be more in keeping with the spirit of Islam. It remains to be seen if our civil society has the courage to overcome the blackmail of this modern jehalat and call a spade a spade.

Dear reader, if you wish to weep, read below: -

"Rahmatay was 12 years old. Her father had promised her in marriage to Naveed in exchange for Naveed's sister as a wife for his son. But the men in the two families subsequently got embroiled in a bitter dispute. Naveed and his brothers wanted revenge, perhaps land or money. Naveed informed Rahmatay's father that he was coming the next day to marry his daughter.

The father could not refuse: Rahmatay had already been bartered away for another woman. So the child was dressed in bridal pink, and readied for her wedding. The village mullah balked at performing the nikah because the girl was too young. Naveed put a gun to his head. Rahmatay was married and taken away. That very night, her 'wedding' night, Naveed pumped five bullets into her young body and killed her. She had confessed to being kari with her cousin, he said, and so she deserved to die."

The writer is a member of the National Assembly.

Email: murbr@isb.paknet.com.pk

Chinks in our nuclear armour?

Foreign office and ministerial briefings on the on-going 'debriefings' of a number of KRL scientists and senior staff members make curious even somewhat bizarre reading. Courts of enquiry leading to courts martial in the armed forces and departmental / judicial enquiries in civilian establishment would be a routine matter. These are hardly ever heard or talked about, however, outside the unit or the department concerned.

It's true that a matter of such international importance as allegations involving nuclear smuggling and technology transfers (etc) could not be kept under wraps for long. A thorough enquiry into the conduct of the individuals concerned for the murky business 'out of greed' would be perfectly in order. The question is how, at what level and in what manner?

Might it not be wiser to have set up a board of experts and get the individuals concerned to appear before it for a thorough enquiry and investigation without making such a public fuss? The method of picking up suspects from their homes or offices and packing them off to unknown destinations is hardly befitting or prudent. It makes it look more like an inquisition than a normal official enquiry.

The strong-arm method used to handle the case brought the families of the official personnel out on the streets to make quite an unflattering spectacle of Pakistan and its official agencies concerned. Whereas the foreign office spokesman did his bit well enough, within the steely constraints of his given brief, the information minister would, more often than not, let himself go overboard.

Whether in word or in body language, he would rarely seem to reflect the degree of sobriety a matter of such grave importance as the alleged nuclear leakages / thefts by our top nuclear scientists would demand. In one of his several TV appearances / press conferences, he would not agree that the 'de- briefing session' (inquisition?) would 'demoralize' the scientists. About the likely time / date for the release of one of the detainees, he said 'within a specified time-frame', without specifying the time-frame.

He would go on to remind his fellow Pakistanis of their duty to Pakistan. "Pakistan comes first. Our nuclear programme is a matter of prestige for 140 million people and must not be discussed in a negative manner." The question is in what other way should it be discussed at all in the absence of much positive information emanating from government sources? Also, the current debate is not going to end without giving rise to a fresh and complex debate about the final disposal of the case.

This is not to belittle the real concern of the spokesman with the extreme gravity attaching to the safety and security of our 'strategic assets'.

That the status of our nuclear programme as an exclusively and strictly indigenous and non-transferable project stands seriously compromised can hardly be denied. Nevertheless, a more choreographed and maturer presentation than the seemingly impromptu press briefing might have made a better case.

It has been all but formally admitted at the official level. Whether it was done by a set of individuals for personal gain or through loopholes in our institutional command and control system would hardly be of any practical value or interest to the Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)-obsessed United States administration. Already in Pakistan, chasing Taliban and Al Qaida remnants, a number of United States civil (CIA/FBI) military elements would be closer to Pakistan's secrets than ever before on a sort of a mutually agreed basis.

The British and the US media have been closely following and reporting on the circumstances and the persons involved in the alleged nuclear- missile technology transfers from and to Pakistan. Unless the issue is promptly resolved to the satisfaction of the outside world, the consequences could be grave for Pakistan.

India, already a winner in getting Pakistan to stop so-called cross-border terrorism and demolish the 'jihadi' (crypto- terrorist?) bases in Pakistan, would be four square behind America in pressuring (penalizing?) Pakistan on the nuclear faux pax. America's psychotic obsession with the lingering shadows of WMDs could be hardly trifled with as an emerging threat to Pakistan's nuclear programme.

With the taste of Iraqi blood fresh in its mouth, it might embark on yet another manhunt. It might ask Pakistan to raise the lid from its home-grown and 'unsafeguarded' KRL facility, accede to NPT and cap or freeze its nuclear programme.

In the mid-90s before the military take-over, there had been a US move to set up a monitoring station in Chakwal to measure the volume and density of radioactivity in the atmosphere. After an exchange of notes between Islamabad and Washington, however, the Pakistan government said 'no' to the proposed project. That could have served as a certain source of 'intrusive' monitoring of the KRL's functional status and activities.

Such a renewed American initiative (demand?) cannot be ruled out in case the raging controversy on the role of KRL scientists is not satisfactorily resolved. What needs to be done is to thoroughly investigate the matter and fix the responsibility with no strings of politics and propaganda attached. There are scapegoats enough and we don't have to add more to the herd.

Most importantly, we must plug the chinks in our nuclear armour to substantiate the claim that our nuclear assets are absolutely secure and in safe hands.

The writer is a retired brigadier of the Pakistan Army.

Crime rate rising

The number of all sorts of crime, including assault on police, increased in districts Dera Ghazi Khan, Muzaffargarh, Layyah and Rajanpur of police range Dera Ghazi Khan. Last year, two controversial police encounters took place in which two proclaimed offenders were allegedly killed by the police.

The latter did not show the death of an innocent disabled villager of Pir Aadil as a result of indiscriminate firing of the police in an encounter with proclaimed offender Ishaq Gurmani in the limits of police station of Kot Mubarik.

The local police allegedly pressurized the deceased's family not to pursue the case either in court or before the press. Later, the police reportedly gave money to the poor family of the deceased for concealing the facts. Earlier, an alleged encounter took place in the limits of police station Kot Cchuta in which the local people rounded up and shot dead proclaimed offender Jeejani, but police showed its own performance in this regard.

According to witnesses, a police officer of Kot Cchuta police had opened fire on the dead body of Jeejani. Taunsa Sharif police could not even provide in-time security to a civil judge when his house was besieged by an angry mob on Jan 6. Deputy superintendent of police Taunsa Sharif told Dawn that the police was not bound to provide security to the civil judge, except the sessions judge. On Jan 6, an angry mob surrounded the official residence of civil judge Taunsa Sharif Abdul Razzak. They were demanding the recovery of a girl allegedly abducted by the driver of the judge.

Since the launching of the devolution plan in district Dera Ghazi Khan, three district police officers have been changed. Unfortunately, the police and the district government could not develop a harmonious working relationship during the last two-and-a-half-years of the devolution plan. Dera police last year arrested two members of the District Council on separate charges without informing the convener District Council and the District Nazim.

Ex-district police officer Qamer Zaman had written an official letter to convener Javed Qaisrani that the police is only bound to facilitate MPAs and MNAs and that it is not bound to get permission from convener for the arrest of a District Council member.

The Chairman of Public Safety Commission Dera Ghazi Khan is allegedly under the direct influence of the police while the secretary PSC is following the line of the district government.

According to police record, as many as 318 murders took place in 2003 compared to 250 in 2002 in the four districts of Dera Ghazi Khan police range. As many as 344 murder attempts were made as against the figure of 275 in 2002.

As many as 56 incidents of attack on police took place in 2003 against 21 such incidents during 2002. As many as 26 incidents of kidnapping of children took place against nine during 2002. Abduction for ransom was on the rise in Muzaffargarh and Rajanpur compared to the other two districts of the police range. As many as 480 such incidents took place last year as against 380 in 2002.

Dacoities are also on the rise as 58 such incidents took place in 2003 compared to 24 in 2002. As many as 181 incidents of highwaymenship took place in the range as against 152 in 2002. There were 193 incidents of vehicle theft in the four districts last year as against 188 during 2002.

Traders' organizations, doctors association and the All Pakistan Clerks Association, Dera Ghazi Khan, are regularly demanding of the police to control the law and order situation including motorcycle snatching at gunpoint. Last month, at least 14 motorbikes were snatched while dacoities of millions happened in Dera Ghazi Khan city.

When this correspondent asked about the deteriorating law and order situation, the DPO told that the Punjab Constabulary would be deployed in the city to control incidents of motorbike snatching.

Curbing under-age driving

The recent deaths of two A-level school students in a horrible traffic accident involving two speeding cars in the Defence area should be cause for some concern. Just over a two months ago, three women lost their lives in the same area when their car was hit by a recklessly-driven four-wheeler. In that case, too, the driver was quite young and male (he has since been pardoned by the heirs of the women who died).

The accident involving the two accidents happened in an area which has quite a few roads which over the past few years have become drag strips, quite popular among young people to go and race on. Some of the roads, especially like Khayaban-i-Ittehad, Khayaban-i-Muhafiz or the latter part of Khayaban-i-Hafiz towards Phase VIII are well-surfaced, but unfortunately have no speed-breakers to regulate the flow of traffic.

While it is all right to talk about the role that following basic traffic laws (especially jumping the red light, which is now the norm on many Defence and Clifton roads) might play in encouraging safe driving, one tends to ignore the other factors involved behind this disturbing trend of young, sometimes underage, boys taking fancy cars out for a spin, and driving through busy traffic as if driving at the Monaco grand prix.

The most basic question has to be how does a 15 or 16-year-old get unhindered access to a car? Perhaps, one way to look at it - at least from the point of view of some parents - would be that providing material goods to your child might somehow be seen as a replacement for you not always being there. Or simply that the child is so spoilt that the parent feels that only by giving him/her something like a mobile phone or the keys of car, will he/she be satisfied and happy.

Whatever the reasons, the result is that a disturbingly high proportion of cars are driven recklessly, rashly and by under-age drivers. Sometimes, you feel like stopping those who drive such cars and asking them for their driving licence (something like a citizen's arrest) but what can this really achieve unless parents begin to resist the temptation to hand over car keys to their teenage sons. Regrettably, in many cases, a parent sits alongside the child and 'supervises' the driving. Now this would be all right if it were done in an empty cricket field or stadium but not on a busy road with rush-hour traffic.

The other point that needs to be made is that what are the schools doing about this? Defence and Clifton have some of the city's most prestigious and sought-after schools. It wouldn't be a bad idea if they made a concerted effort to tell their students, and their parents, that such driving is unacceptable. Some schools prohibit their students from driving to school but that doesn't really do anything and might actually encourage teenage driving because so many teenagers tend to do things (for kicks or to act as a 'rebel' if nothing else) that they are expressly forbidden to do.

Discussing such issues at the time of school assembly or in class could also help. The traffic police themselves could perhaps organize school traffic education programmes.

Karachi is not beyond hope

The Jinnah airport terminal. What does it reflect? What kind of an image of Karachi does it convey? How fair is the image to the reality of Karachi? Like Islamabad, the beautiful, as they say so proudly, as you leave that modern airport, and move into Islamabad. How real and fair is that image of the quiet loveliness of the federal capital to the reality that is Pakistan? A repeated question, by the way.

As one drove into Karachi, after arriving at the Jinnah airport from Islamabad on Thursday night, there was in the terminal a certain feel-good factor inside the domestic arrival lounge, and the porters did not appear as impatient or discourteous as they can often be. It had rained in Karachi earlier in the day, and the day before, and even though it is "winter rain" it had once again done the city a great deal of short-term good. The city of lights, which it is despite the crime, terrorism, and killing, from time to time, was aglow.

Of course there are always reasons to look at the glass as being half empty. But that same glass is also half full, fairly speaking. Which indicates quite comprehensively that there is a positive side to the story of our lives all the time, observed some citizens of this "racy pacy" city; a city that always has negative stories to run it down.

But there is a cheerful sunny side to it, and what better season than this crisp, lovely January to focus on it. For a change, let us look at the brighter side of the picture. For a change forget about the strikes, token strikes, and protests of sorts and campaigns to give vent to shades and shades of anger, and resentment.

Like the rest of the country, Karachi too has had rain, though not quite in the same measure and with the same intensity, and severity as Peshawar, for example. And like the rest of the country their is development and progress in the Sindh capital too. That process of change and growth is evident here and the optimism generated by the India-Pakistan "mellowing" of mood, post Saarc summit is something that is making a section of the local population begin considering getting visas to visit India.

Whether or not that Indian consulate in Karachi reopens, there is wishful thinking of going out all the way to Islamabad to get those visas, the queues in Islamabad's winter notwithstanding!

Progress and development in Karachi? Some may ask in utter disbelief, and a familiar bitterness, cynicism. Indeed there are signs that actual work is being done both by the city government and the Sindh government to ensure that society gains, and Karachi is the winner. (I know there are many things that are not working, and there are reasons to grumble and groan, and feel miserable at the misfortune of the millions).

But surely as we are reminded: it will not go away overnight. Just for the wishing of it. We have been inefficient, negligent, and dishonest too long, to wash away our "sins" so easily, dear citizen.

Take for example now, the opening of the Shah Faisal Colony flyover which was opened on Wednesday evening, and a night view of that newly inaugurated project appeared on these pages on Friday. That photograph could well be taken to symbolise the future of Karachi? Perhaps. After all the millions who live here, day in and day out, regardless of what is said by some of us in our indiscreet moods, have faith in this city.

And in a way the city has faith in them, and depends on them as well. Everyday millions go out to work, and return to their homes, said one Karachiite, who has forever contended that some of us are consistently and unwittingly very harsh on this large- hearted city.

A news report on the above-mentioned flyover has some very significant details, which reflect the mood of the Sindh capital, the critics notwithstanding. It says: "This flyover is Karachi's first project which was completed three months ahead of schedule. The aesthetically constructed flyover provides two ramps and access roads to Sharea Faisal." (By the way, ask the residents of that densely populated Shah Faisal Colony of how relieved they are at the flyover becoming functional).

Which makes it pertinent to mention the hope and the impatience with which citizens are waiting for other bridges and flyovers to be completed. In fact, now more than roads, sometimes Karachiites are overheard arguing how they need many more flyovers than what the authorities are actually planning. The point is: where is the money,? if people don't pay taxes. Should international donors agencies be approached for this too? By the way Landhi and Korangi are also going to be beneficiaries of this flyover. Reaching low income areas too and reaching out.

Let me return to some of the images of Karachi on Sharea Faisal on Thursday following the rains. The air was that much without pollution, and there was a clean look on everything; cars, billboards, road islands and neon signs. And the streetlights were on, and this is not the way to judge the KESC, by the way. Billboards now need special mention. They gave to the city, even inside the Jinnah terminal, a certain positive image, and one that gave some idea of the numerous international conferences and media campaigns that are going on in the officials circles all over the country.

One is conscious that there are people who argue that they city has too many billboards, hoarding, and neon signs. But they must realise that these commercials up in the air give to the city government a resource base, which it needs desperately and always. As a people we are unaccustomed to paying taxes and helping society. We would fail repeatedly on this count. We only believe in helping ourselves, generally speaking.

That night as one drove from Jinnah terminal (which is appreciated in lavish terms even by visitors arriving from the developed world. This is what happened when some Britishers arrived in Karachi earlier this month).

The neon signs were a very pretty sight, and the bite in the cold air, made one feel good. The vehicular traffic moved with a sense of order and discipline, which was more than surprising keeping in mind that traffic jams, small, suffocating and recurring are now an integral and accepted part of our lives.

Such are the frustrations of urban living, and even in Islamabad traffic bottlenecks are evident in places like "Blue" area; and school time congestion is common with an abnormal rise in the number of cars, new and cold. Which makes it imperative to mention that the production of new cars has risen significantly in the last six months. And black marketing is merrily unchecked.

But return to Karachi. Look at the photographs that were carried by Metropolitan last week, where a pretty roundabout was inaugurated at North Nazimabad near the Five-Star restaurant. And a neatly maintained children's park was inaugurated by the City Nazim Naimatullah Khan in Gulshan-i-Iqbal. Or in Clifton where renovation is going on at the roundabout located after the Mideast Hospital. There are so many projects that are on, here, as indeed there are scores of projects that are on all over the country.

There is apparently a steady, and somewhat pronounced, emphasis on developing an infrastructure for society, and our towns, big and small. Look at Karachi's bridges and commercial plazas that have been made operational in recent times. There is some official trumpeting about "success" stories, but there is also perceptible a certain caution, as media planners have come to realise the lurking cynicism of the wary citizen who is driven to distrust so very easily.

If Islamabad is described as "beautiful", having attained the enviable status that it now has, Karachi could perhaps be described as the "hopeful" ... for there is still a long way to go before its impatient millions get the infrastructure that they seek, deserve, and which they have done without all these decades.

Perhaps the fair thing to do is to take notice of the development stories that surface periodically, and seem to say that there is light at the end of the tunnel. A city as vast as Karachi you have to have faith in it. O Karachi, the hopeful!

Lahore's biggest explosion

There is no doubt that the walled city, over the centuries, has been burnt down, ravaged, looted and left in ruins. But then it has always bounced back to life. While external factors brought about these misfortunes, there have also been times when because of internal factors, considerable misfortune befell its inhabitants.

In the year 1809, or 1864 Bikrami, took place what can safely be described as the biggest explosion in the history of Lahore. The ruler of Lahore, and the Punjab, was Maharajah Ranjit Singh, and he had set about converting virtually every safe place into an arsenal and ordnance depot. All big mosques, including the famous Badshahi Mosque opposite the Lahore Fort, were put to military use. There were, according to one French writer, more ordnance depots in the walled city of Lahore than any other city in the world.

The Maharajah was armed to the teeth and was stocked with enough arms and ammunition to carry on a prolonged war with the fast expanding British forces in the East and the South, as well as the unpredictable Afghans to the West. His caution was understandable in the volatile circumstances that prevailed.

Of the two largest 'havelis' in Lahore undoubtedly, the largest was Haveli Mian Sahib, which, according to a description by Kanhiya Lal, spread over two square miles. Another description of the Shah Jehan era claims that it was "four kos" in spread. For those familiar with the old walled city, just one portion, the male section of the three-tier 'haveli', was known as Rang Mahal, and it is from that era that the name Rang Mahal came.

Built in the Mughal era, a small portion of the guest section was taken over by Maharajah Ranjit Singh and converted into an ammunition depot. But he took over the second largest 'haveli' in Lahore completely, the 'Pathronwali Haveli' - the haveli of stone - in the Mochi gate area, whose name was Haveli Nawab Mian Khan. This haveli was known as the most beautiful residential building in the walled city, as its entire structure was laced with black stones.

The Haveli Nawab Mian Khan was taken over by the Sikh ruler and converted into an ordnance factory. In it's huge rooms were stored gunpowder and other materials for use in the making of bombs and ammunition. The entire place was supervised by 'foreign' experts in the manufacture of the latest artillery shells, and was a high security area. One can imagine that being the second largest house in the walled city in an age when the entire population was a mere 70,000, its size was, according to one estimate, almost "one kos if walked around".

In the year 1809, in the tenth year of the rule of Maharajah Ranjit Singh, an explosion took place in one room, which immediately spread to the entire ordnance factory. There was then one massive explosion, which rocked the entire city in a jolt it had never experienced before, and probably never has since. The entire 'haveli' went up and stones fell on almost each and every house of the city. According to one estimate, over 500 people were killed.

Kanhiya Lal suggests that "almost 200" people were killed instantly, while thousands of people were seriously injured. The entire Mochi Gate area looked like one massive bombed site and for years lay desolate. "Stones from the haveli were thrown five kos away", says one description of the explosion. The jolt brought hundreds of houses down, which flying stones damaged the entire area around the perimeter of the explosion.

This explosion, according to the notes of Gen. Ventura, saw the loss the two French engineers and one Russian artillery engineer, as well as many trained Punjabi craftsmen. The explosion completely erased from the face of Lahore the beautiful Haveli Nawab Mian Khan, or better known as the 'Pathronwali Haveli'. Two years after the explosion, people started taking over portions of the lost 'haveli', and with time, all traces of the famous building were lost forever.

The explosion of Haveli Nawab Mian Khan marked a change in the tactics of placing ordnance depots in populated areas inside the walled city. The Sikh ruler decided to use the large mosque, with the exception of the Wazir Khan Mosque. Almost all ordnance depots placed in residential areas were also moved out, and the building handed over to influential Sikh 'misl' sardars. This served a dual purpose, for while pleasing his allies, it also placed a major threat to the population out of harm's way, even though it was not taken well by the Muslim population of the city, which was in a majority.

When the British took over Lahore, they presented a major portion of the area where once this 'haveli' stood to their closest ally from Kabul. The entire area was rebuilt along old architectural lines, and most of the damaged buildings were also repaired. It was to become one of the finest residential areas of the walled city. Little do the people of this area know that their houses, as they exist today, were all built on a site where the biggest explosion in the history of Lahore took place.

Khalida Husain as a novelist

IT was a long time ago that I read a statement by a leading Indian literary figure visiting the country saying that there were only three short story writers worth mentioning in Pakistan - Intizar Husain, Khalida Husain and Enver Sajjad.

That took me by surprise as their writings did not appeal to me very much.

To me, Intizar Husain is readable and also understandable, but Khalida Husain is quite difficult to understand. And so far as Enver Sajjad is concerned, I found him unreadable. Gradually, my opinion about them did undergo a change with the result that I not only translated some of Intizar Husain's stories into English but also one by Khalida Husain. Somehow, I have yet to touch one by Enver Sajjad.

Khalida Husain has been writing short stories since the 60s. She was then known as Khalida Asghar. As often happens with short story writers, they gradually expand their vision and start producing novels. Hence we now find Khalida Husain transformed into a novelist. Her first has recently been published in Islamabad under the title, Kaghzi Ghaat. She has been kind enough to send me a copy.

So far as Khalida Husain's short stories are concerned, she is reputed to have written in the vein of Kafka and Camus. As such, while blazing the trail of symbolism and abstraction, the writer tends to obliterate characterization, something essential for a novel. It is, therefore, that a new Khalida has emerged in her maiden venture for she has produced and presented different characters with extreme dexterity.

Although Intizar Husain thinks that this novel by Khalida Husain is a portrayal of the sad plight of women in our society, I agree with it but only partially. To me, it is a story of young girls and the making and breaking of their desires, wishes and plans. She has adequately described women's world and commented on their feelings and emotions.

With her immense knowledge and grip over many subjects like civilization, culture and sufism, plus a unique command over the language, Khalida has been able to present a novel in lucid prose. She also deserves credit for converting certain factual situations into a fictional mode, thereby maintaining the interest of the reader.

Another thing noticeable in the novel is her intimate knowledge of the salient features of our main cities. Her lurid description of them is commendable. She deserves another plus point for her description of the Punjab. No doubt, there are many nostalgic references in the narrative, yet they do not appear to be out of place.

Khalida Husain should have every reason to feel satisfied with her novel.

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The last issue of the literary monthly, Mah-i-Nau, produced by the Directorate of Films and Publications, has the talented writer, Parveen Malik, as its chief editor. She has constantly been striving to improve the standard of the stuff printed in the magazine and seems to have succeeded in this regard to quite some extent. (I would, of course, like to see it attain the standard which it enjoyed during the days my senior friend, Rafiq Khawar, was its editor.)

The issue I am referring to is dated November 2003, during which fell the birth anniversary of Allama Iqbal. As such, it carries four well written articles on the poet, one of which has been translated from Seraiki. It is the best of the four as it is a comparative appraisal of Allama Iqbal with Khwaja Fareed and Neitschze. In the same context, there is a detailed assessment by Aamer Suhail of what the renowned scholar, Dr Syed Abdullah, has written in a book on the analytical study of Iqbal's writings.

The issue also carries an illuminating article on Firaq Gorakhpuri. It is about how he appears in the eyes of his contemporaries. Dr Firdaus Anwar Qazi has done well to dig out many less known facets of Firaq's life.

Another article of interest in the issue is by Khwaja Ghulam Husain which has been translated from Sindhi by Prof Saqib Qureshi. It is about Lakho Phalani, a character who lived in Sindh during the 14th century and whose exploits resemble those of Robin Hood. He has also been extolled by Shah Abdul Latif Bhitai in his poetry.

After all that I have written above, I feel that the most worth reading article in the issue is by Qamar Urish. It is about Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi. Written in a frank and intimate style, it is full of stories about him.