Musharraf’s offer to India

INDIA would do well to consider dispassionately President Musharraf’s offer for an enlargement of the international observers’ group along the Line of Control in Kashmir. Speaking at the annual session of the General Assembly on Wednesday, the president asked New Delhi to agree to “a viable mechanism” so that the truth about the Indian allegations about Pakistan’s support to “cross-border terrorism” could be ascertained. The viable mechanism, he said, could be in the form of an enlargement of the UN Military Observers’ Group along the LoC. Given India’s traditional opposition to the idea of the involvement of any impartial group with the Kashmir question, one can presume that New Delhi is unlikely to respond positively to the idea suggested by President Musharraf. Which is a pity. After all, India has repeatedly refused to talk to Pakistan by alleging that Islamabad-aided “cross-border terrorism” stands in the way of a dialogue. What better way, then, to establish the truth or otherwise of the Indian allegation than to enlarge Unmogip and ask it to do the monitoring along the LoC? It is precisely because the uprising in occupied Kashmir is indigenous — a point emphasized by the president — that New Delhi would hate to see the UN group ascertain the truth.

The president’s speech contained many other points that could serve to carry the present peace process — agonizingly slow — forward. These include the offer of a ceasefire along the LoC, a cessation of violence on a reciprocal basis by the freedom fighters and the occupation forces, measures by the two countries to exercise restraint in amassing conventional and building nuclear weapons, and entering into “a sustained dialogue” to find a solution to the Kashmir issue. The president coupled these offers with an appeal to “powers which desire peace” in South Asia to review their decision to offer strategic weapons to India, because this could upset the balance of power in the region.

The president’s proposals should be seen in the light of what appears to be an inexplicable delay in the normalization process. The Indian prime minister’s April 18 speech had produced good results in the beginning. Prime Minister Zafarullah Khan Jamali had responded positively to Mr Vajpayee’s normalization offer, and a number of positive developments took place — like the upgradation of the level of diplomatic representation, the exchange of visits by parliamentarians and businessmen, and resumption of the bus service. However, there has been no progress in re-starting air services, and a dialogue is not yet on the cards. India’s refusal to let Foreign Minister Khurshid Kasuri to visit New Delhi to hand over an invitation to Mr Vajpayee for the Islamabad Saarc summit also caused a setback to the normalization process. Mr Vajpayee may respond to the president’s speech when he addresses the General Assembly. But one hopes, instead of mouthing the usual rhetoric that characterizes Indo-Pakistan exchanges, the Indian leader’s speech would respond constructively to some of the president’s proposals so that the normalization process could move forward.

In service of the poor

THE World Bank’s findings on making services work for the poor are quite instructive. In its recently released World Development Report 2004, the bank says that there are striking examples where governments have succeeded in delivering basic services such as water, sanitation, health care and education to the common citizen. But there are other cases where these services have failed to reach the poor. There is need to ponder the factors leading to these successes and failures. In countries where the government has failed to preempt the involvement of vested interests in the delivery of these services and have not enforced accountability, the results have been dismal. They have been unable to provide the poor freedom from illiteracy and illness. It has been suggested in some quarters that NGOs be entrusted with this task. Though NGOs — especially community-based organizations — have played a vital role in filling crucial gaps in the provision of basic health and education to the poor in some countries, they have simply found it to be beyond their capacity to contemplate taking over the government’s vast responsibilities.

The government will therefore have to continue to shoulder its responsibility of providing basic health care and primary education to the people. The World Bank is right when it says that simply increasing public spending does not ensure the expansion of health and education services. Corruption is now affecting the implementation of plans. It is important that the government should re-evaluate its monitoring mechanism and strengthen accountability. This applies to all departments. Cheating on what is the due of the poor is unforgivable. Ghost schools and non-existent health centres, absentee teachers and doctors do double disservice to the people. They deny them the services that supposedly exist for them and they rob the government of the funds which it could have put to better use for the poor.

The World Bank is of the opinion that services can be improved by putting people at the centre of service provision. This can be done first by enabling the poor to monitor and discipline service providers, and secondly, by amplifying their voice in policy making. However, this is easier said than done. The key question is: who will bell the cat? Those who indulge in malpractice and need monitoring also happen to be the ones who control the power structures. They manipulate the system to place themselves beyond the process of accountability. As for expecting the poor to play the role of monitors of service providers, this would have its basic limitations. Handicapped by illiteracy and ill-health, the poor lack the capacity to ensure the efficient delivery of education and health services which could empower them. The need is to break this vicious circle.

Murders in Lahore

THE cold-blooded murders of 11 people, including a former film actress, in two separate incidents in Lahore on Wednesday point to the rising crime rate in the Punjab capital. This is not to say that the situation in the rest of the province is much different when it comes to homicide, murder, crimes of passion and suicide. That it is much worse in Lahore can be judged by the statistics quoted in the Punjab Assembly. According to these figures, a total of 498 murders — that is 1.36 murders a day — and 44 suicides were committed in the provincial metropolis alone last year. This year’s crime rate is more or less the same. Besides regular homicide, dacoity and passion-related murders, a ‘serial killer’ of sorts reportedly went round the city earlier this year targeting poor labourers and street dwellers, claiming 10 lives. Such a high crime rate in any city is a serious cause for concern for the residents as it should be for the authorities.

Lahore police may have been given expensive patrol cars fitted with sirens, flashing lights, radios and other hi-tech gadgetry in recent months, but these have turned out to be only cosmetic devices. The police’s failure to control crime remains a disturbing reality. This is mainly because police lack the proper training and motivation to deal with the preventive and control aspects of the crime situation with the efficiency and dedication needed. The Punjab government would do well to invest a little more in police training and education rather than on glossing up the cops in a manner that has resulted in police harassment of motorists on Lahore’s roads, especially after dark.