DAWN - Editorial; July 15, 2003

Published July 15, 2003

Iraq’s interim set-up

THE newly-established Iraqi governing council, one hopes, will get its priorities right and move quickly and effectively in the direction of lessening the Iraqi people’s suffering. The beginning seems to be rather odd, for one of its first actions has been to change the country’s national days. While it is understandable that it has abolished holidays honouring Saddam Hussein, it has decreed April 9 to be the national day. That day marked the fall of Baghdad and with it, the end of long years of oppressive Baathist rule. In that sense that day has its political significance. But knowing the questionable moral, political and legal justification for the American-led war, it is very much to be doubted whether history would record the victory of the invaders and the beginning of Iraq’s foreign occupation exactly as a moment of glory and April 9 as a day of deliverance for the Iraqi people fit to be celebrated as a momentous national occasion.

Besides, the 25-man council consists of people handpicked by Americans — men like Ahmad Chalabi and Adnan Pachachi, who do not enjoy a very good reputation in the Arab world. Critics wonder where their loyalties lie and point out that most council members enjoyed life in exile when it is the people of Iraq who suffered the worst of Saddam Hussein’s despotic and tyrannical rule. More important, the council has only an advisory role, and the US Administrator, Paul Bremer, reserves the right to veto the council’s decisions. This means that the council may not have more than a ceremonial role in tackling Iraq’s post-war problems which are immense and complicated. Iraq needs an improved law and order, the restoration of water, power and other utilities, and a gradual return to some form of representative rule. However, the issue is compounded by America’s monopoly control of Iraq. The vast majority of the Iraqis hated Saddam, but they have not accepted American as a godsend, particularly because of Washington’s anti-Arab and pro-Israeli role since 1948. The Iraqi resentment is evident from the frequent attacks on American and British troops. As time passes, this resentment will mount, leading to more American casualties. Aware of the consequences of body bags arriving in America, the Bush administration wants other countries to share the responsibilities of policing Iraq. Very few countries are willing to do that for fear of their troops being seen and targeted as America’s collaborators. The way out of this situation is something that is not acceptable to Washington — a substantive UN role in post-war Iraq.

Ever since Washington made up its mind to attack Iraq, a consistent feature of American policy has been to bypass the UN. The attack itself was launched without a UN authorization, because Washington knew that it would not be able to secure a war resolution from the Security Council. Now more than three months after the end of the war, there is no change in US policy. The newly set-up council is there merely to provide a fig leaf for American paramountcy in occupied Iraq. The Bush administration would be wrong in thinking it can carry on this way for long. Unless it evolves an exit strategy soon, it will find itself hopelessly bogged down in Iraq. An exit then will not be easy or even safe. What Iraq needs is a transition to democratic rule. Common sense dictates that it is a UN-sponsored set-up that should prepare for and hold elections. An election held under American occupation and without a significant UN presence will make the exercise suspect in the eyes of most Iraqis and the world at large.

Opening up air waves

THE federal cabinet has done well by deciding to lift the ban on print media owners and groups which barred them from setting up satellite channels. The lifting of the ban will help establish nearly a dozen new Pakistani-owned satellite channels, as at least 10 such applications from print media parties are believed to be pending with Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (Pemra). The ban was ill-advised in that it prevented a potential group of entrepreneurs with the requisite background and experience from entering this sector, which has seen a tremendous growth elsewhere in the world and in South Asia itself. The print media groups, more than any other, already have the necessary know-how, skill and talent that any TV and radio networks require. The cabinet decision on Saturday last, thus, removes this anomaly from Pemra’s regulations governing the electronic media and paves the way for some healthy competition taking place between the state-owned PTV and more of private new channels.

In countries like Pakistan that have a low literacy rate, the electronic media serves as the only mass medium that can penetrate deep into the target population. PTV’s reach of nearly 90-plus per cent households in Pakistan testifies to this fact. It has helped keep the viewing public reasonably informed and entertained, especially the majority segments of society which do not have access to the written word. But the state-owned network has had its own limitations in terms of range, quality and objectivity, especially in news presentation and debate and discussion of problems and issues impinging on official policies. Now with the breaking of the PTV’s monopoly, it is hoped that the new entrants would concentrate on the qualitative aspects of news and information-based programming offering a plurality of opinions, which has always been lacking at PTV. There can be little doubt that with time and experience, multiple electronic media can perform well in Pakistan as they do elsewhere in the world.

End of PTCL monopoly

THE federal government’s decision to allow the private sector to provide terrestrial land-based telephone lines is a welcome move. The deregulation of the telecom sector will, hopefully, foster competition and allow telephone users to have more choices and better service at a reasonable cost. By ending PTCL’s long-standing monopoly, the decision to deregulate can be expected to facilitate greater investment in the potentially massive land lines market. According to the minister for information technology, licences will be issued to private operators for a period of 20 years and will be subject to regulation by the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA). The government wants to more than double the current telephone penetration rate of 2.7 telephone lines per 100 people to 5.6 lines per 100 people by 2010 and the deregulation might help achieve that goal.

The arrival of new companies providing basic telephone services, in competition with the PTCL, should be good news for both existing telephone users and would-be customers. PTCL’s bosses have often claimed a positive change in the corporation’s customer service’s outlook and attitude, but in the absence of competition there seemed little reason for the utility to change its old bureaucratic ways and to adopt a customer-friendly approach. Perhaps, competition with the private sector will now force it to do just that and become more responsive to the needs of customers. As for the new entrants, competing with a state-owned corporation, protected for years as the sole provider of the service, will not be all that easy, especially given the sizable investment that will have to be made for setting up the basic infrastructure to provide telephone services. The PTA’s role will be crucial too. It has often been accused of favouring the PTCL, not least because many of its officials previously used to work for the latter. However, in the new context, it will have to establish its reputation for impartiality and its commitment to the interests of telephone subscribers.

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