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DAWN - the Internet Edition


May 3, 2003 Saturday Safar 30, 1424
Features


Think tanks redefine scourge of chronic poverty in Africa
An evening with the Bard
The story of Iraq’s reconstruction



Think tanks redefine scourge of chronic poverty in Africa


By James Hall

JOHANNESBURG: The scourge of chronic poverty in Africa is being redefined in new surveys and more sophisticated analyses that will help policymakers understand the root causes for constantly impoverished people, and plan effective remedies.

No longer are jobs and income looked at as the sole criteria for determining poverty and predicting changes in personal and family fortunes. A holistic approach is now applied by social scientists studying chronic poverty, which considers education levels, the effectiveness of social services, political freedoms and land policies among other factors.

“Chronic poverty is now defined as persistent poverty whose duration is five or more years, and is measured by a multi-dimensional approach that considers more than income and consumption,” says Mike Armstrong, a sociologist with the University of Swaziland.

A report issued by the Southern African Regional Poverty Network (SARPSN) recently noted, “It is now widely accepted that poverty includes deprivation in a range of capabilities, such as education, health, and human and civil rights.”

However, the SARPSN report noted, most of the data for developing countries only measures income and consumption poverty, which is inadequate to predict transitions into and out of poverty.

The addition of human and civil rights, or the lack thereof, as a factor in poverty has implications for authoritarian regimes in Africa, and gives support for advocates of democracy on the continent. The approach is along the lines of economist Amartya Sen, who prescribed democracy to improve the economies of Africa’s developing nations.

Sen won the Nobel Prize for Economics in 1998 for establishing the link between elections, a free press and food security, because politicians elected by popular majority and monitored by media scrutiny are more likely to create policies that averted famine.

Sen, an Indian, noted that since independence in 1947 his populous but democratic country had never experienced famine, despite wars and crop failures.

David Hulme, director of the Chronic Poverty Research Centre in South Africa, conducted a study that found only the totality of an individual’s “assets” can predict how a person will fare against economic shocks, and how effectively he or she can “bounce back.”

“These assets include human assets such as health and education, social and political networks, as well as material assets,” wrote Hulme. Africans with AIDS, whatever their income, are more vulnerable to poverty, and less capable of absorbing economic shocks, such as loss of employment, or the effect of natural disasters or social upheavals.

Just as important as income for predicting chronic poverty are such social factors as gender discrimination, which inhibits women from working their way out of poverty, residency in remote rural or violent inner-urban areas, and educational levels, a study by the Chronic Poverty Research Centre showed.

For instance, surveys in Botswana and Lesotho have found people are capable of withstanding economic shocks, allowing them to climb out of poverty or, when shocks occur, resist backsliding into poverty, in proportion to their education level. Learning is therefore an “asset” as important as a bank account or land ownership.

“Nevertheless, studies in South Africa show that the benefits are not automatic — for example, education as an asset becomes unimportant if jobs are not available,” the SARPN report noted.

Along these lines, some poverty analysts have concluded that Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe’s land redistribution scheme will not automatically reduce poverty. Land is an asset, but will not alone guarantee financial gain if divorced from knowledge of how to gainfully exploit the land, or in a political atmosphere where the farmers’ human rights are suppressed.

“Farmers need a democratic system to press government to deliver on things they need, which they cannot do in an autocratic and unaccountable system,” observed sociologist Armstrong.

The aim of studies into poverty analysis is to improve knowledge in the field to guide governments and non-governmental organizations in devising more effective programmes. One indication of the work to be done is a lack of definition in what constitutes poverty. SARPN admits that there is no precise number for chronically impoverished people in the world. The number has been put variously at 450 million to 900 million worldwide.

In 2000, it was estimated that almost 200 million people in sub-Saharan Africa, fully a third of the total population, go to bed hungry and 31 million African children under the age of five are malnourished.

Redefining poverty in developing African countries is affecting legislation, such as minimum wage restructuring in South Africa, and challenging old assumptions, such as the Zimbabwe government’s belief that granting land to landless people will automatically raise them out of poverty. The inability of such farms to be productive has been blamed on lack of capitalization and agricultural instruction, and the reluctance of autocratic authorities to listen to people’s needs.

Law enforcement also plays a role in reducing chronic poverty, and is needed to reduce violence that may eliminate a family breadwinner, and criminal activity that can deprive a struggling family of hard-earned assets.—Dawn/The InterPress News Service.

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An evening with the Bard


IT WAS an ‘Evening With Shakespeare’ at the Alhamra Cultural Complex and I had gone all geared up to hear stories about the bard and also listen to readings from his plays. But, as it happened, at least three of the four listed on the programme for the evening were missing. Muzaffar Ghaffar, ever anxious to start the Lahore Arts Forum (LEAF) on time, had no option but to keep waiting. Only the Punjab University professor, Amra Raza, was there. But then Col Mahmud Qureshi also happened to be among the audience. He had been to Britain last year and had visited the birth and last resting place of William Shakespeare.

To save those who had come from the boredom of waiting for the ‘performers’ of the evening, he was invited to the rostrum by Muzaffar Ghaffar to recount his experiences of the visit. He handled the situation well and kept those in the hall listening eagerly to all that he had been through.

Starting with a guided tour of Stratford-upon-Avon for which he paid 15 pounds, he even described the double decker, which took him round and which did not have a cover on the upper deck. I had seen this ‘tamasha’ in 1973 when I visited Oxford, but did not have to endure it when I went to Stratford-upon-Avon. In fact, that year my brother, an ex-RAF pilot, drove me straight to the Bard’s grave. Ironically, we could not get anywhere close to the place when I went to England again in 1991. High-rise buildings had completely ruined the sleepy, small, town where Shakespeare lay in eternal peace.

As Muzaffar Ghaffar said in his introductory remarks, Shakespeare who wrote 37 plays and 154 sonnets and other long poems, did not belong to England alone as he had acquired the proportions of a universal phenomenon and been assimilated into diverse cultures and languages. But then, he added, it were only the British who doubted Shakespeare’s identity. There have been stories that Sir Francis Bacon was the actual author of those plays and some bring in Marlowe as the real author. But then, who can forget, that Ben Johnson, the first-ever poet laureate of England, paid a touching tribute to his contemporary and described him as the “Sweet Swan of Avon.”

When it came to Amra Raza, an M Phil in English literature, she dazzled, as she always does, with her readings from different plays of Shakespeare. To start with, she made a very telling statement. She said that when asked by someone which quality of Shakespeare appealed to her the most, she said, “He has a vast reservoir of contradictory ideas.” And then she read out passages from Hamlet, Othello and King Lear to make her point.

Just when I thought the programme was tapering off and started to move out of the hall, Athar Tahir walked in. He was one of those on the programme. He must have played his part very well. Unfortunately, I was half way out by then.

* * * * * * *


MEETING an old friend brings to mind many long forgotten stories. That is exactly what happened when Nasir Zaidi came the other day to deliver his latest collection of poetry, Iltifat. I can well say that I have known him from childhood. After all, he has lived in Model Town for years and even studied in a girls’ school of which my sister was the principal. But then I left the Punjab and lived in the south for quite a long time.

It was only when I returned to Lahore in the late 70s that I came across Nasir Zaidi once again, a grown up, handsome, young man. During my days with The Pakistan Times, he often came to submit something for publication in the daily Imroze and called on me in the bargain. Somehow, I also used to visit the radio station in those days and Nasir would invariably be there. However, he later moved on to Rawalpindi, did a stint as the Prime Minister’s speech writer, but made sure to meet me whenever visiting Lahore. And even while living in the Potohar region these days, he is often ‘available’ on the Islamabad miniscreen in one capacity or the other.

A well read man with an encyclopaedic memory, Nasir Zaidi can always put you on the right track whenever you falter in a literary discussion. Although equally good at composing a nazm, I appreciate him mainly as a poet of the ghazal. And then he is a romantic, something essential for one who has any pretentions at being a poet.

Although Nasir talks of love in his verses, he upholds the dignity of classical romantic poetry. Starting with Doobtey Chand ka Manzar, which was published in 1976, he has shown a distinct improvement in the content of his poetry through Visaal (1979), Varaftgee (1989), and now Iltifat.

As said earlier, Nasir is romantic to the core but at the same time, there is profundity of thought in his verses. In addition, one can recognise his tight lexicographic control in the choice of words. However, the collection includes a makalmati ghazal (one in the form of a dialogue) which I fail to appreciate. He better avoid such experiments.

The book is adequately produced by Al-Haq Publishers of Lahore and is reasonably priced. — ASHFAQUE NAQVI

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The story of Iraq’s reconstruction


THE European press continues to do a good job of covering the Iraq war and of writing on the neo-conservatives (the ‘neo-cons’) that have seized control of America’s foreign, and to a large extent, domestic policy. However, it will be in Iraq where the true colours of the neo-cons will be exposed, most probably when the so-called interim authority is set up.

For their part, The New York Times and The Washington Post have been duly reporting developments in the run-up to the formation of the interim authority. The Times recently reported that 23 Iraqi exiles were being sent by the Pentagon to Iraq to oversee the working of the ministries. However, none of these reports have any critical angle to them other than the nature of the inferences that readers might draw from them. On the other side of the Atlantic, British papers, especially the Guardian and the Independent might be well-known to readers for their critical stance. However, recently I happened to come across a paper from Scotland, the Sunday Herald (www.sundayherald.com) which has done a brilliant who’s-who expose of the Bush administration’s senior members and of the men who might form the core of Iraq’s interim authority.

Writing in the Herald on April 13, Neil Mackay discussed in some detail the particulars of all the neo-cons and their proteges. The picture that one gets from reading their profiles, affiliations and links is most disturbing and reinforces the suspicion that the invasion of Iraq is all part of a much larger game, planned years ago by people who have extremely close ties with the Israeli right-wing and where the major beneficiaries will be America’s large corporations (in which many Bush administration members have shares). The tale reeks of incestuous relationships and the one common thread that seems to bind most of the men is their overwhelming blind support for the security and defence of Israel.

Mackay gives first place to Paul Wolfowitz, Bush’s deputy defence secretary. He is called the “arch-ideologue and key architect in the Pentagon” of the post-war reconstruction of Iraq.

Mackay writes: “Like many of the reconstructors, Wolfowitz of Arabia, as he is known, is a ranking member of the leading neo-conservative think-tank the Project for the New American Century (PNAC), which advocated regime change in Iraq even before George W. Bush took office. He is also, like many of the reconstruction team, a key member of the ultra-right-wing Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) — a think-tank that puts Israel and its security at the heart of US foreign policy.

Then comes Lewis Libby, Vice-President Dick Cheney’s chief of staff. Also a founding member of the PNAC, he sits on the board of the Rand Corporation, a research and development organization with “huge number of contracts” with the Pentagon. He owns shares in armament companies and has various oil interests. He is a consultant to Northrop Grumman, the defence contractor, and has invested heavily in JP Morgan Chase, which lent around $500 million in 1983 to Saddam Hussein’s regime.

Donald Rumsfeld: A founding member of the PNAC, he is said to have personally conceived the invasion of Iraq. In the early 80s he became acquainted with Saddam as the then president Reagan’s special envoy to Iraq. “While Saddam was blitzing the Ayatollah’s armies with chemical weapons in the Iran-Iraq war, Rumsfeld spent most of his time talking to the Ba’ath Party about the building of an oil pipeline on behalf of the construction company Bechtel (the same company recently given a contract worth a potential $900 million to build Iraq’s roads). Not coincidentally, Bechtel’s former vice-chairman is George Schultz, Reagan’s secretary of state.”

Douglas J Feith, under-secretary for policy at the Pentagon. He picks and selects members of the DPPs and is on the board of advisers of JINSA. As a lawyer, he has represented Northrop Grumman. Mackay describes him as “zealously pro-Israel” and a “keen fan” of Ahmed Chalabi.

A lot has already been written about the next man in this space. Richard Perle is called the Pentagon’s “Prince of Darkness”. He is a key member of JINSA and a prominent member of the American Enterprise Institute (described by Ronald Reagan as one of the most influential right-wing US think-tanks). He also sits on the Foundation for the Defence of Democracies, another right-wing think-tank. Among Perle’s many claims to fame is the fact that he once worked as an aide to former Israeli prime minister Benyamin Netanyahu, a politician so right-wing that in front of him Ariel Sharon looks like a peacenik. — OMAR R. QURESHI

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