| December 1, 2002 | Sunday | Ramazan 25,1423 |
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Sindh: the only course
Bacher’s bouncer
ACCORDING to a report, India and Russia are expected to sign an agreement during President Vladimir Putin’s visit to New Delhi next week on cooperation covering a range of security and political issues, including combating terrorism. News has also come of a Russian proposal for some kind of a treaty of cooperation between Russia, China and India. Earlier this month, Mr Putin, talking to the press after meeting US President George Bush, had worried about the safe control of Pakistan’s nuclear arms, and implied that Pakistan and Saudi Arabia could be weak links in the chain of nations backing the current war on terrorism. All these signals will no doubt have been picked up by the Pakistan foreign office, and will be assessed for their implications for our foreign policy.
India has had a strong relationship with Moscow that has remained unaffected by the collapse of the Soviet Union. Pakistan’s alignment with the West prevented the development of friendlier and more productive ties with the USSR. Indeed by promoting, and participating in, the Afghan jihad, the then military leadership used to claim credit for having contributed to the dismantling of the Soviet Union. Old suspicions and distrust apparently continue to linger in both Moscow and Islamabad. It was Russia that was suspected of preventing Pakistan from joining the so-called Shanghai six grouping consisting of Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrghystan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. Pakistan’s major preoccupation is India, just as Pakistan is the latter’s. This particular relationship too should change for the better for the sake of peace and development in South Asia. But in more general terms, Pakistan’s foreign policy often gives the impression of remaining mired in cold war attitudes that may have had their uses in that period but need now to be reviewed in a less ideological and more pragmatic light. The backing given to the Taliban was an instance of our refusal to discard old blinkers.
The 9/11 benchmark has brought Pakistan closer to the United States and the West or, to put it in a more realistic way, rehabilitated us in American and Western eyes after the blinding flap over nuclear testing and the military takeover of 1999. It is unfortunate that our period of alienation from the West was not better utilized to broaden the scope and focus of foreign policy and make it more dynamic. We spent the entire period in trying to get back into the good books of America and international donors. Actually, 9/11 has only meant confirmation and continuation of a particular orientation. The West has accepted us because it needs us, but the carping in the press there reflects many reservations. If we had developed a more independent foreign policy, carrying the impress of experts more than that of ISI specialists, and sought closer collaboration with countries of our region, including Russia, we would perhaps have acquired an inherent strength that would have won greater respect abroad. We should stop drifting about in western waters and swim closer to our shores. The signs prompting us to do so are all around us. Perhaps the new parliament, once it gets over its teething problems, will turn its mind to this task.
THE situation in Sindh could turn into a serious crisis if the assembly session is not called soon. The indefinite postponement of the inaugural session was uncalled for. Power in Punjab and the NWFP has already been transferred to the elected representatives, and things are going smoothly in Balochistan. But uncertainty persists in Sindh. True that the October 10 election has denied a clear majority to any single party, but that need not stand in the way of transfer of power. On November 28, the members could have at least been sworn-in. Instead, the people have been subjected to the shock of an indefinite postponement. Sindh’s troubles indeed seem unending. Since the days of Ziaul Haq, the province has witnessed massacres, “wheel jam” strikes and widespread violence. Cumulatively, these have served to tear asunder the very fabric of Sindh’s society. Unfortunately, the democratic governments (1988-99) only added to the predicament and failed to give the province much needed peace and normality. Now again politicians have a chance to provide Sindh with a democratic dispensation that is responsive to the people’s problems and aspirations.
The assembly session has been postponed only because those on the right side of the rulers have failed to come up with a workable coalition. This is absurd. Let the political parties freely decide what partners they would choose to form a government. Let there be no interference in this process, nor need there be a contrived “forward bloc” to erode the strength of the largest party. The PPP claims that it can show a majority in the assembly. It must be given a chance to do so. The political parties should know that the people of Sindh are watching them. By failing to agree on the formation of a viable government, they are giving a chance to undemocratic forces to further their own agenda. If the democratic process fails and governor’s rule is imposed, the people will blame the politicians as much as they would the wire-pullers. In the given context, the only course to follow is to call the session of the assembly and let it settle the issue of which combination of parties is to assume the responsibilities of governance next.
THE sensational disclosure of 101 ‘undesirables’ barred from South Africa’s Cricket World Cup next year by Ali Bacher has hit the international community like a frightening bouncer. According to a spokesman, this sweeping ban is aimed at preventing match-fixing, illegal betting and other criminal activities. Coming from a person handling the affairs of the most important cricketing event — already rocked by the Hansie Cronje scandal — this preemptive measure must be welcomed. But casting a security net against the powerful bookmakers’ mafia will be a big challenge that cannot be adequately met without the full cooperation of the global cricketing community. All the leading countries in the realm of this game, once known as a mark of sportsmanship and fairplay, have been accused of serious malpractices and misconduct. Inquiries and investigations at various levels and in different forums have confirmed the widespread effects of this virus but have not come up with a sure cure.
While betting has been part of the game for a long time, it has assumed dirty proportions after the invasive introduction of commercialism following the emergence of the Packer phenomenon and player power. Market forces controlling and commanding the strings of huge financial and monetary purses have virtually undermined the old-fashioned notions of national pride. The mighty underworld has long hands to fix matches. But a united and determined effort to save the game from their clutches can still be productive. There are new tools and technology available to check malpractices. Real success will depend, however, on the efforts of players and administrators. The structure of the game will have to be radically modified in the light of the experience gained so far. Too much cricket and too much money, with the threat of an early exit in view of the present gruelling schedules, may be forcing players to make the most of a limited window of opportunity.