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A democratic future THE 342-member National Assembly came into being yesterday with the swearing-in of the legislators elected on October 10. Before that, General Pervez Musharraf had taken oath as president for a five-year term based on the April referendum. The legislators were sworn-in according to the oath contained in the 1973 Constitution, and some MNAs made it a point to emphasize that this is what they were doing, thereby making clear their reservations about the Legal Framework Order. However, the oath taking passed off without any serious interruptions. The election of the speaker and deputy speaker has been scheduled for Tuesday and of the prime minister shortly thereafter. But the shape of the new government was still mired in inconclusive negotiations even as the house met. The Constitution has also been revived minus some key clauses, including the one prohibiting floor crossing. This is seen as a manoeuvre to retain space for enticing more MNAs to the side of pro-government parties till a working majority can be mustered. A feature of the new house that deserves notice is the large presence of women on the legislative benches, a development that should improve both the content and tone of parliamentary proceedings. The government’s intentions with regard to the convening of provincial assemblies and formation of the Senate remained unclear till this writing. The National Assembly has met within the context of the military intervention of 1999, its validation by the Supreme Court, the court’s direction that elections be held within three years, the steps taken by the military government during this period, and gross interference with the electoral process. An assembly born in such circumstances should be seen as the outcome of a flawed, tightly managed exercise. Its effectiveness will be further circumscribed by the presence of a president in uniform armed with the power to dissolve parliament. However, on the other side, there can be the more positive view that large sections of the electorate defied pressure and blandishments and voted according to its choice, and that the assembly is not as unrepresentative of the popular will as might appear at first sight or might be suggested to be the case. The military’s role in the country’s politics has never been subjected to so much scrutiny and debate as now, and even a tentative return to representative governance will consolidate this positive trend. The longevity of direct army rule is gradually being shortened, and if parliament plays its cards well and wisely, we may begin to move towards an era of unfettered democracy. The most immediate test of wills will be on the LFO. Should it be considered a part of the 1973 Constitution or be treated as being open to debate? There is little disagreement on many of its provisions, but several are controversial, including those relating to the National Security Council and Section 58(2)(b). If the president is sensitive to popular opinion, he should have the contentious clauses encapsulated in a bill and have it moved for parliament’s approval, indicating his readiness to accept the outcome. This may break the current logjam, but more important than that, it will make a clean break with the past practice of army chiefs seizing power and then “restoring” democracy in tightly controlled doses. It is impossible to believe that we can continue to have our politics run forever by a small group of unelected people who have an almost messianic faith in their own wisdom. There has to be a democratic future for us. Oil price stability THE government has announced a major reduction in the prices of all petroleum products effective from Saturday. The cut ranges between 1.5 per cent or 28 paisa per litre for kerosene and 8.6 per cent or Rs 3.09 per litre for motor spirit. This reduction seems to have been made possible by the drop in international prices of oil resulting from a perceived improvement in the political environment in the Middle East. The minister for petroleum has said that a further reduction in prices is expected during the next fortnight. When the next cut is effected, one hopes greater consideration will be shown for the rural and urban poor who use kerosene both for lighting and fuel. This consideration is lacking in the present case which provides for the lowest reduction in price affecting this class. The practice of fortnightly changes in the prices of a strategic commodity like oil, which generates power, moves the wheels of industry and transport, and constitutes a substantial element in the cost of products of domestic consumption and exports, needs to be reviewed. It is not possible to calculate the cost of products if prices change too frequently. Since the oil price fixation mechanism was put in place in July last year, POL prices have been revised more than 24 times, mainly with an eye on achieving revenue targets. Fixed taxes still constitute Rs 16 in the new petrol price of Rs 35.21 per litre. During fiscal 2002, the government collected Rs 66 billion in petroleum revenues in sales tax, surcharges and duties. For the current year, revenue from this source has been budgeted at Rs 45 billion. This target is likely to be surpassed, although the finance minister plans to stick to this estimate. Now that the petroleum minister says that international prices are weakening and further reduction is likely, consumers deserve a more rational deal. Still missing DESPITE repeated directives from the Lahore High Court, the government has yet to produce Dr Amir Aziz in court even three weeks after the surgeon was taken into custody in Lahore on October 21 on suspicion of having links with the Taliban and Al Qaeda. Since then, he has been held incommunicado in apparent violation of his constitutional rights. There have been widespread protests against the doctor’s detention, with growing public anger at the manner in which he was picked up and detained allegedly at the behest of a foreign power. There has been some concern that he has been extradited to the US or a base in Afghanistan for interrogation by the FBI. Interior Minister Moinuddin Hyder has denied that the doctor has been whisked off to another country. The key question then is: whose custody is the doctor in? And why is the government so evasive about his whereabouts? Acting on a petition filed by Dr Aziz’s mother, the Lahore High Court directed the authorities to produce him in court and restrained them from extraditing him without seeking the court’s permission. While government officials informed the court that the doctor was not in the custody of the Intelligence Bureau, they were unable to say whether he was being held by the ISI because the agency had not responded to several queries on this matter. It is quite disturbing that the ISI should continue to ignore court directives relating to the doctor’s whereabouts. If the government has nothing to hide and seeks to end speculation surrounding this case, it must produce Dr Aziz before a court and either charge him or set him free. Please Visit our Sponsor (Ads open in separate window)