Time for a command initiative
By A. R. Siddiqi
SINCE Oct 10, when the general election was held after three years of eager waiting and a good deal of hard work, the government of President Gen Pervez Musharraf seems to have retired into the wings to watch the burlesque centre-stage, apparently unconcerned.
The distinct low profiling of his image on the TV screens and the electronic media is also widely noted and commented upon. It speaks as eloquently of his deliberate choice to leave to the MNAs-elect to sort it out among themselves without official interference, as of an attrition strategy to wear themselves out and, in the end, return to him for adjudication.
Should that be so, he would be falling way short of his role and duty as the chief executive and commander-in-chief of the armed forces. To my mind, he has waited enough, and anymore waiting would only be at the cost of damaging much of his own legal and constitutional restructuring to give the country a stable democratic order. His only hope to save his system and prevent the country from drifting into yet another crisis is to act here now.
It should be much in the same way as he did on the fateful night of Sept 11, 2001. Even if impulsive and no less authoritarian, there was hardly an alternative to saying ‘yes’ to the US president’s poser whether he was for or against him.
A command initiative of that force, to call a halt to the changing political wranglings, would be absolutely in order. Instead of allowing his ministers to go about announcing tentative dates for the inaugural session of the National Assembly, he would do well to appear on the television himself to announce a firm date for the inaugural session and appeal the MNAs-elect to get together on the common platform of the assembly and sort things out there.
What is crucially important is to let the house come into being to stop, once and for all, the prevailing grinding sense of uncertainty overcasting the country’s political horizon. If only Gen Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan had done just that in March 1971, he could have perhaps saved the country from certain disaster and dismemberment.
It needs to be noted that yet another electoral exercise would not only be one in sheer futility but also potentially dangerous. The inter- and intra-party murderous confrontation would be many times worse than ever.
The president’s one-on-one meetings with the politician are noteworthy from the point of view of his government’s media management. Together with low media profiling of his own activities / statements, his principal spokesman and press secretary, the articulate Maj-Gen Rashid Qureshi, remains strikingly conspicuous by his absence from the media — national and international.
His place has been practically taken over by the irrepressible Nisar Memon, the minister for information and media development, the information secretary and PRO to the president, Col Hassan. It was the two last-named who, when contacted by the press ‘refused to confirm or deny’ the meeting between Sardar Zafarullah Khan Jamali, the president and a number of top militarymen at the GHQ.
Somewhat, unusually also, along the press reports carrying the story of Mr Jamali’s GHQ visit, there was no photo coverage at all — neither in the electronic nor in the print media. More or less the same treatment was given to Qazi Hussain Ahmad’s one-to- one meeting with the president on Nov 11. In the absence of a press-note, Qazi Sahib appeared to be sole witness and rapporteur of his ‘two-hour-long’ meeting with the president. His body language, optimistic on the TV screen, was not quite borne out by the indifferent reporting in a section of the press.
The best part of the media, specially TV, also happens to be its worst. It makes the presence of the person in authority felt as much through constant projection as his / hers absence because of lack or low profiling of it.
The president should be complimented if he has opted for a lower media profile to avoid the certain risk of overexposure. Should it, however, be a part of a strategy of attrition to wear the politicians out to return to him with ‘folded hands and bended knees’, it calls for a prompt re-appraisal.
Hopefully, by the time this piece goes into print, the National Assembly may have been summoned and would be in session after the formal swearing-in of the MNAs-elect. Considering the over-a-month-long post-election unseemly inter-party scramble and failure to reach a consensus on power-sharing in an stable national (federal) setup, the hope hangs by a slender thread.
The past five weeks of fruitless bargaining has widened, rather than narrowed, the yawning gulf of mutual distrust among the parties.
The three major groups — the Muslim League (Q-118 seats), the PPP (81) and the MMA (60) — account for 259 seats to make an almost two-thirds majority in a house of 342. Together, they may help the country reach the cherished goal of democratic revival and the formation of a government representing the brave spectacle of unity in diversity.
The writer is a retired brigadier.

