Elections expose weaknesses of parties system

THE October 10 elections exposed the weaknesses of the political parties and simultaneously proved that the people, while they criticized the public representatives, did not demonstrate much enthusiasm for any change in electioneering or support of political parties.

Throughout the electioneering, the required role of the top central, provincial and local leadership was conspicuously missing, except for that Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal, leaving their candidates to muster support on the basis of biradris, personal contacts, resources, official patronage, pomp and show and lofty claims.

About 5.8 million population of the Faisalabad district, spread over 5,856 kilometres, was allocated 11 national and 22 provincial assembly seats. Although the Musharraf government kept reiterating that the elections would be held on Oct 10, none of the political parties came out with proper homework pertaining to nomination of candidates, manifestoes and programmes well before the election schedule, which exposed the built-in weaknesses of political parties.

None of the parties had built any infrastructure for launching the election campaign, selection of candidates well before time. Throughout the 40 days of electioneering, it was ‘individual show’ of candidates who were seen running after notables and influentials, indulging in ‘biradrism’ and petty issues.

These elections proved that the role of the committed worker was visible nowhere. Electioneering and political activities had rather been dominated by commercialism. From all angles it reflected that it was a game of wealth and greed with almost everyone running after money and taking advantage of the opportunity to extract personal benefits from the candidates.

During the 1970s, friends and supporters of candidates used to establish election offices in their own homes, picked up electricity and furniture charges and prepared banners at their own expenses, as a gesture of goodwill towards one party or the other.

There used to be no uniformity in the banners, flags, posters, stickers and wall chalking as the same was prepared by different supporters from their own pocket.

Nowadays, the candidates prepare the banners and posters themselves. Regular teams of professional and selected labour have cropped up for pasting and fixing them. Voters force the candidates to provide flags and even charge fees for hoisting them.

Formerly, the processions and public meetings of political parties used to be participated by thousands of people. No chair used to be put in the meeting place except the stage. Now chairs have to be provided for the participants. A voter is not willing to come out of his home. Even a small election office is opened costing Rs10,000 to Rs15,000. Here the candidates also supposed to make available television with cable-network, soft drinks and food.

Another interesting feature is the engagement of courier services by rich candidates for circulation of posters and seeking of votes on the basis of party programmes and voter chits, which is a costly affair. Door-to-door canvassing is conducted by hired ladies and men.

According to a rough estimate, the average expenditure of an NA candidate exceeds the figures of Rs7 million and that of a PA candidate Rs3 million. Millions of rupees have been paid as bills of advertisements to newspapers.

The candidates are also bound to provide slips to all the voters at their homes, indicating the number of votes. Therefore, they have to set up camp outside each polling station providing drinks and lunch and also entertainment for those deputed in the camps.

The candidates are also supposed to make payment to polling agent, who are at least 850 in the case of NA seats, at the rate Rs500 to Rs1,000 each, besides, serving food and providing pick and drop service.

The Faisalabad District Nazim was not only involved in election campaign of his younger brother, Asim Nazir, for NA-77, but was also supervising the election campaign of other PML-Q candidates and announcing development schemes in the National Assembly constituencies of 78, 79, 80 and 81.

Tehsil Nazim (City) Mumtaz Ali Cheema was the patron-in-chief of the election campaign of his elder brother, Mushtaq Ali Cheema, for NA-83, who was contesting on a PML-Q ticket.

The citizens paid a very high price during the electioneering as the entire staff of the TMA and District Government was committed to the success of the PML-Q nominees, especially Mushtaq Cheema and Asim Nazir.

The attitude of the police was harsh against the PPP candidates under a pre-planned target.

Party circles claimed that the defeat of the PPP candidates in National Assembly constituencies 79, 80, 82, 83, 84 and 85, Punjab Assembly constituencies 54, 55, 58 and 59 was only because of the fact that the police succeeded in forcing Chaudhry Ilyas to go underground, paving way for a walkover by the PML-Q candidates.

Likewise, at the thana level the police was extending courtesy and assistance to the PML-Q candidates and was vindictive towards the PPP candidates and their supporters. These factors too played a role in the success of six national and nine provincial assembly candidates of the PML-Q.

The PPP high command also failed to successfully activate its workers and sympathizers. In the hostile atmosphere, the PPP could manage one national and nine provincial assembly seats.

Only the PPP could manage one public meeting at Hajiabad, a residential-cum-commercial area, about eight kilometres away from the city, as the chief of the district administration — District Nazim Zahid Nazir — who was in fact the chief organizer of the election campaign of the PML-Q, refused to grant permission for holding a public meeting at Dhobi Ghat which forced them to change the venue to a remote corner reducing the impact and importance of such a meeting.

The meeting was also hit by the police which organized a raid there for arrest of Chaudhry Muhammad Ilyas in the presence of PPP central command, including Makhdoom Amin Fahim, Aitzaz Ahsan, Qasim Zia and Rana Aftab Ahmed. But the PPP workers and activists foiled the move of the police and succeeded in continuing the meeting.

On Oct 5, the Pakistan Awami Tehrik held a public meeting at Dhobi Ghat. PAT chief Dr Tahirul Qadri spoke to the over 3,000 participants. The meeting was not as big as the status of party leader. But it had been organized in a systematic manner by its local leadership.

The PML-Q meeting of Oct 4 at Dhobi Ghat was a flop show as only 2,500 to 3,000 participants were present in the ground, majority of whom were employees of the TMA and District Government. Its provincial president, Pervez Elahi, spoke for a couple of minutes.

On Oct 7, the PML-N with a clever move succeeded in pulling a large crowd by using all its resources and support in reactivating and pumping oxygen into their diehards who were facing difficulties due to sheer disappointment and frustration arising out of lack of leadership. Political pundits are of the view that the organized move by the PML-N left an unbelievable impact on local politics and made way for the success of the PML-N nominees from three national and three provincial assembly seats of the city.

The Musharraf government failed in its objective to bring up politically mature leadership from the middle classes and to eradicate commercialism from election politics. The successful candidates changed loyalties at the eleventh hour during the election and joined the PML-Q. Although many new faces have been elected they are not expected to play their proper role for want of parliamentary experience.

The government machinery and resources were used in the election by the District and Tehsil Nazimeen and government-backed candidates, flouting the election rules and code of conduct issued by the EC.