| September 5, 2002 | Thursday | Jamadi-us-Saani26,1423 |
To send a letter to the Editor
Click here
Insignia for Parliament House
Status of Northern Areas
Federal Services Tribunal
Privatization Commission
Reality films
Keeping parents off campus
KESC rates highest
Confrontation
Illogical amendments
Land allotment and Cholistan politics
THIS is with reference to Mr Haris Masood Zuberi’s letter ‘Every military officer is graduate’ (Aug 31).
The writer has gone on to say that the military graduates from the academies of the armed forces in Pakistan are better equipped and trained than the civilian professionals to run the institutions such as the KESC, WAPDA and Pakistan Steel.
In the first place, one wonders if such claim has any rational basis. Secondly, for argument’s sake alone, if the military graduates are really more capable than the civilians, the more educated people from the military may tomorrow legitimately claim their right to occupy seats in superior courts again in the ‘best national interest’.
May I remind the writer that even after the debacle of East Pakistan, no civilian had claimed to lead the institutions manned by the armed forces when these very intellectual officer failed in their very own field of defending the territories of our beloved country.
The Hamoodur Rahman Commission report speaks volume of the ‘professional competency’ of these ‘graduates’. Whilst there is no cavil to the fact that incompetency and corruption has ruined may national institutions, the solution to the problem lies in replacing the unscrupulous people with the better one available amongst the civilians of the respective field.
No institution can be made stronger on the basis of its borrowed strength. In any case it would be inappropriate to engage the armed forces in the civilian fields.
KASHIF ASLAM BUTT
Karachi
THIS refers to Irfan Husain’s sincere advice (Aug 31) to Gen Musharraf that he should pursue some workable relationships with Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif rather than the religious fanatics who are a much greater danger to him and the entire country.
Gen Musharraf has already unveiled his government’s plan for the controlled democracy in the form of Legal Frame Order 2002 and many other more recently promulgated laws in that regard.
The politicians whom public at large perceive as most corrupt but who per choice or force have switched their loyalties to the ‘pro-reforms’ parties, have been given the clean bill of health by the Election Commission of Pakistan.
Press reports suggest that the government machinery has given the ex-legislators an option to join the king’s party or face the stigma of disqualification.
One can, therefore, safely assume that the Gen Musharraf does not have any serious disliking for the corrupt politicians as long as they favour his agenda of military-controlled democracy in Pakistan.
The corrupt practices of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif have never been a serious concern to the military rulers.
The main problem both the politicians have created seems to be their insistence on the restoration of civilian rule.
It has hardly bothered the present rulers that in their quest for reforms or the military-controlled democracy, they are playing with the very integrity of the country they purport to put on the right track.
The irony is that they believe that only uniformed personnel are the sole depository of all wisdom, intellect and honesty and that whole of the civilian lot is morally bankrupt.
SUMAIRA FARHEEN
Karachi
general elections are at hand. Political parties are active getting united and there is a great hustle and bustle in the country. Politicians are preparing to occupy their seats in the Parliament House but the House is still to bear an insignia on its facia.
This afflicts Ahmed Saeed Nagi, almost a nonagenarian, who is luckily with us. He has been serving the Muslim cause from the time of Khilafat Movement. Though too old to work, he is still imbued with the spirit to embellish Pakistan as the most prominent Muslim country in the world. Once an official artist of the Freedom Movement, he worked with the founders of Pakistan from 1944 to 1947 and after partition, he devoted his life to the refurbishment of this homeland.
He was the only man who painted the first portrait of the Quaid-i-Azam in addition to other marvellous artwork that he did before the creation of Pakistan. His artwork and designs for all airports, Governors House, State Bank, Foreign Offices and many other important places are countless.
Several original monumental designs are in his possession to which he wants to give practical shape.
Nagi’s wonderful design as Majlis-i-Shoora’s insignia was liked by the American architect, Advert Dural Stone. In an open competition later, arranged by the CDA, Islamabad, Nagi’s design of Majlis-i-Shoora was selected from the artwork of more than 100 participating artists. The then Senate Chairman, Wasim Sajjad, had approved the design.
Nagi was expecting very much from the present government which seems to be reluctant to regard him as one of the founders of Pakistan. However, he is keenly waiting for a call from Islamabad to place the approved insignia as facia of the Parliament House.
SHAHID H. QURESHI
Karachi
THIS has reference to Malika Baltistani’s letter (Aug 28) under the caption ‘Gultari and the Northern Areas’. Gilgit and Baltistan (the Northern Areas) are a part and parcel of Jammu and Kashmir state and are disputed territories like the whole of Jammu and Kashmir and this has been decided by the superior courts of Azad Jammu and Kashmir in judgments PLD 1993 AJK (P.1) and PLD 1995 SC AJ&K (P.1).
On the day of independence of Pakistan, i.e. Aug 14, 1947, Gilgit and Baltistan were part of Jammu and Kashmir State and Brig. Ginshara Singh, a cousin of Maharaja Hari Singh Dogra, ruler of Jammu and Kashmir State, was the governor of the province of Ladakh, Gilgit and Baltistan.
The maps of World Bank/UNO and the Survey of Pakistan have shown Gilgit and Baltistan as disputed territory and no doubt during the Mughal, Afghan, Sikh and Dogra regimes the area of Gilgit and Baltistan was a part of Jammu and Kashmir.
In 1935, the area of Gilgit and Baltistan was given by the Maharaja of Kashmir to the British for a lease period of 12 years and after the expiry of lease these areas were returned to the Maharaja.
But during the lease period the area was to be treated as part of Jammu and Kashmir State, and after the establishment of Jammu and Kashmir Assembly in 1934 the people of Gilgit and Baltistan were given representation in the Kashmir Assembly at Srinagar.
In 1949, in accordance with an agreement with the government of Azad Jammu and Kashmir the affairs of defence, foreign, security and currency and the control of Gilgit and Baltistan were given to the government of Pakistan and this agreement is known as ‘Karachi Agreement’.
As per Article 257 of the Constitution of Pakistan 1973, the future of Jammu and Kashmir, including Gilgit and Baltistan will be determined according to the wishes of the people of Jammu and Kashmir.
The solution of the problem is that the people of Northern Areas should be given representation in Azad Jammu and Kashmir government and seats, according to their population and percentage, should be given in Azad Jammu and Kashmir legislative assembly. The area of Gilgit and Baltistan should also be brought under the jurisdiction of Azad Kashmir High Court and Supreme Court.
SAALIM SALAM ANSARI
Karachi
HUNDREDS of persons had filed appeals to the Federal Services Tribunal (FST) after an amendment under section-2A in the FST Act 1973 but the tribunal dismissed the appeals.
As the Supreme Court held in its judgment in 1998 that since the right of appeal is a procedural matter and section-2A was applicable retrospectively, therefore, the tribunal has vested exclusive jurisdiction to entertain the appeal and decide on merit regarding the limitation which is also the condition which has already been relaxed by the Supreme Court in the judgment April 1, 1998, and CA 1225/95 dated April 16, 1998. The order is reproduced below:
“The appellants may file an application for condemnation of delay before the tribunal, which may be considered sympathetically and the appeals may not be knocked out on technical grounds.”
The appellants have, therefore, filed applications under section-5 of the Limitation Act along with personal affidavit of the appellants for the condemnation of delay, if any.
I request all concerned, particularly the President of Pakistan, the Chief Justice of Supreme Court, Chairman of the Federal Service Tribunal and the FST, Karachi bench, for appropriate orders to ensure justice to poor government employees.
HUMAYUN KHAN
Karachi
I QUOTE from your editorial on the subject of Concerning Corporate and Industrial Restructuring Corporation Ordinance 2000. “In Pakistan we have every kind of law for every kind of crime. But mere existence of laws does not control crime. They have to be enforced effectively, honestly and with speed.” The editorial appeared at the time the ordinance was promulgated.
The government has promulgated the Privatization Commission Ordinance 2000 which requires the Commission to review the bids in the light of bidding criteria approved by its Board from time to time and make recommendations to the Cabinet. The Commission has done its job by recommending the sale of the UBL’s 51 per cent shares to the MCB.
Furthermore, the Privatization Commission advisor, Dr Thobani, in a recently published article in the Dawn writes: “Much of the dissatisfaction arises because of a perception that the sale price was too low or that it was not paid in full. Perceptions of what constitutes an appropriate sale price are based on the reference price calculated by independent valuers or by ministry officials and employees of the entity being privatized. What is not fully appreciated is that valuation is not an exact science. Only by offering the entities in an open and transparent manner to the public can the true market value of the company be determined. In any case, employees and ministry officials are rarely competent to estimate the sale price.”
Why is the Cabinet Committee on Privatization asking for a rebidding in this case? Doesn’t our learned finance minister know, after all these years of professional training, the repercussions on Foreign Direct Investment of such actions? Or has he fallen to the misconception that he is a better authority to judge the price than the cumulative market wisdom reflected in the said bidding?
M. JAMEEL
Manchester, UK
IN India, a film by the name of ‘Maya’ has recently been banned. It had portrayed the horrors of a Hindu ritual in which a girl’s puberty was celebrated by the priests of the local ‘mandir’ by sexually abusing her. Though the government took action to prevent it, the barbarity of the ritual had been well exposed before the film had been withdrawn.
Our film-makers often claim that they produce films on real social issues. But we have yet to see a film in which atrocities committed against women with the connivance or even involvement of the leaders of the society, are depicted. Two such incidents have only recently taken place but would any film producer or director take the courage to make a film based on these?
OBAID-UR-RAHMAN KHAN
Karachi
ONE is not in agreement with Judith R. Shapiro’s write-up, ‘Keeping parents off
campus' (Education
Sept 1). The parent and the teacher have to work in tandem to ensure effective education of the child and must coordinate constantly and effectively at every stage to achieve the objectives and targets of good education.
If there are over-indulgent and over-bearing parents there are at the same time unfair, prejudiced, impatient and domineering (some even over-worked) teachers who cannot give their best to every individual child.
That is where the parent comes in to see that the teacher falls in line of his/her duties. I wonder if you are aware that in Rajesthan (India), village women often sit outside the school with a stick in their hands to make sure that the teacher does not leave the premises until their students have had their learning for the day.
Interestingly, this fascinating scheme has been designed by the state’s former education secretary, Anil Bordia, for which he was given the Padma Shri honour by the government. Something like this is most essential in Pakistan as well.
Indeed, education is like the old and familiar three-legged race in which one leg of the teacher and one leg of the parent are tied together in the run for educational goals. Any lack of harmony could result in the two of them falling flat on their face and the one to suffer most would be the child. Admittedly, Professor Shapiro has written the article with the American perspective, but here, too, the rise in violence on the campus, the lack of academic excellence, or even interest in learning on the part of the students are largely on account of neglect both on the part of the parent and the teacher.
What is required in Pakistan is that parents should stop fearing reprisal when they make a complaint about the treatment of their child by the teacher and the school and make their point boldly even before the ‘insolent might’ of the headmaster and with no holds barred. If they do not do so the one to suffer the most will be their own offspring.
ANWAR ABBAS
Karachi
ELECTRICITY rates are exorbitant in Pakistan. When I was in Hong Kong, on a family budget of HK$ 9,000 per month, my electricity billing was about HK$ 300 per month or 3.33 per cent of the budget. This was with unrestricted use of air- conditioners, which included daytime use in the living room, and in 3 bedrooms at night during the summer months.
When stationed in the UAE, with a monthly budget of DHM 6,500, the monthly billing was about DAM 150 or 2.32 per cent of the budget. This was again with air-conditioners running 24 hours a day during the summer months.
Presently in Karachi, we use only one air-conditioner in one bedroom at night for about 8 hours a day, and our billing comes to about Rs. 8,000 per month out of our family budget of Rs. 40,000 per month. Thus the electricity charges here amount to 20 per cent of the family budget. If we used the air-conditioners as indiscriminately as we did abroad, this would probably be in the range of 100 per cent of our budget.
These comparisons are just food for thought.
RAFI AHMED
Karachi
I WONDER whether those amongst us who are prone to America bashing day in and day out ponder at the consequences of a simultaneous confrontation with India and America.
I am told that the day when Musharraf decided to join the coalition against Taliban and Al Qaeda, there was gloom in the Indian media and political circles.
A.M. HAIDERMOTA
Karachi
AMENDMENTS introduced by present regime seem to be a replica of the amendments introduced by the former military generals — Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan and Ziaul Haq. There are many lessons from history if the military rulers are ready to learn.
The former military rulers made amendments for the sake of national interest and defeated Fatima Jinnah, hanged Bhutto and did every thing they regarded as being in the national interest. However, the result was nothing but disintegration of the country, sectarian disharmony and other disappointing developments.
One can but pray for prudence to the military rulers who should understand that panacea for all the ills of the country remains a true democracy.
M. TAHIR GORCHANI
Islamabad
THE recent allotment of land to 100 serving and retired army personnel in Cholistan seems a fulfilment of their desire to have due status in a feudal society after retirement.
Going four acres to each in average does not make a large estate. However, the stake of these armymen in Cholistan, some in power, can influence the fate of the area if seen in the light of other developments in the context of upcoming elections.
The Nawab of Bahawalpur exchanged some land with the British government of India in early 1920s for the Sutluj Valley Project. It must be surprising for the readers that he was less interested in agricultural farming but more in the provision of sweet water to the far-flung areas of Cholistan so that he could increase the GDP of the state (Rs60 million) that totally depended on the livestock products. On the other hand the British government wanted to reward the veterans of the first world war by giving them tracts of land in Cholistan.
The Nawab asked Rohilas to enter their claims for the land but only few applied for it. To them, their livestock was enough to sustain their lives in a hostile desert. They were happy at the prospects that water would flow again through the desert but wondered as to how the farmers of Punjab would manage to live there and make their living through farming.
But Araens of Jullundur not only managed all but also persuaded Jats, Cheemas, Chatthas, Bhattis and other ‘farmer communities’ of central Punjab to live in their neighbourhood after the state was merged into One-Unit and subsequently into Punjab.
Now competition is tough and the political environment too complicated. Rohilas, too, are turning to farming and they have the money to buy the land at the rate of Rs50,000 to Rs100,000 per acre, originally bought for Rs380 per acre; while the settlers can count on the support of their communities in central Punjab (as is evident now during the recent election campaign).
The politicians belonging to Araen and Jat families have decided to contest elections from the localities where their communities constitute a majority. After economic interests of settlers are translated into political interests, they are likely to come into conflict with the local power elites. And it is a matter of calculation as to how the result of the power struggle in Bahawalpur will affect the politics of the country as a whole.
RIAZ MISSEN
Islamabad
You can also send letters to the Editor
Just send your message to the following address:
Make sure you include your full name, postal address, e-mail address, and in the case of Pakistan your day-time telephone number.