KARACHI, July 17: With a general election approaching, the establishment is again attempting to get desired results, for once again it is in the business of forming anti-PPP and PML(N) alliances as it did in 1990 when the IJI was formed. Its focus is on Sindh, where despite its claim of impartiality, it has thrown its weight behind the newly-formed Sindh Democratic Alliance by inducting three of its leaders as ministers in the provincial cabinet. The SDA also gets good coverage on the electronic media.
The SDA platform, a conglomeration of anti-PPP elements, is led by ex-bureaucrat Imtiaz Ahmad Shaikh from Shikarpur, who was the linchpin of Jam Sadiq Ali’s administration in the province and was later implicated in corruption cases by the Benazir government in 1993.
After the dissolution of the PPP government he remained an OSD during the greater part of the Liaquat Jatoi-led PML government. Although, informed circles claimed that IAS manoeuvring had played an important role in keeping Liaquat Jatoi at the helm, he had hoped that as a quid pro quo Jatoi would reinstate him to his old status as secretary to the chief minister.
Imtiaz Shaikh is familiar with the art of manoeuvring powerful lobbies — he demonstrated this skill during the chief ministership of Jam Sadiq Ali and Syed Muzaffar Hussain Shah. Those who were close to the Chief Minister’s House said that in fact Imtiaz Shaikh was the de facto chief minister.
This was the time when he came in contact with the ultimate power-brokers and utilized this contact to see his elder brother not only elected from Shikarpur as MPA but installed as a provincial minister.
This IAS capability was seen as a challenge by the then chief minister Liaquat Jatoi, who let his case linger on until IAS himself got clearance through his connections in the right quarters.
But the change of set-up on October 12, 1999, and its war on “corrupt elements” forced IAS to break away from his bureaucratic past and enter the rough and unpredictable political arena.
Using his old connections he impressed upon the establishment that he was the right person who could promote the regime’s agenda. He was thus granted exemption from the two-year ban on politicking.
IAS saw an opportunity to take off in politics when the breakaway PML group failed to make headway in spite of the blessings from the top. IAS was quick to pluck the disgruntled elements of PML(Q). The usual tea and dinner parties provided an opportunity to give shape to a new grouping in Sindh, which could keep the PPP out of the political arena.
In view of the tough stance taken by the Musharraf government against Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, his idea to form a platform to contest coming elections was welcomed by all.
The agencies, which played an important role in building up Islami Jamhoori Ittehad under the leadership of Nawaz Sharif, saw in IAS a man who could ditch the PPP and with the support of the mainly urban Mutahidda Qaumi Movement could take on the Bhutto charisma.
Encouraged by the induction of its three members in the provincial cabinet, the SDA is moving fast to formulate electoral alliances with minor parties like the NPP, the Sunni Tehreek, and the National Workers Party.
However, informed quarters seem reluctant to accept that the SDA was capable of delivering Sindh to the rulers in Islamabad.
Although in 1990 and 1997 elections the IJI, with the blessings of the agencies, succeeded in marginalizing the PPP in Sindh, it failed to erode its roots.
This was the time when many sympathizers and supporters were disappointed by the poor performance of the PPP government. But in the present circumstances when all mainstream national parties are on the defensive, the PPP and the PML have acquired sympathies from the people. Even those very people who had been in the forefront accusing the Benazir and Nawaz Sharif governments of mismanagement and personalised rule have developed a soft corner for them.
They recalled that large scale unemployment, multiplied by retrenchment policies, soaring prices of essential commodities, rising rates of utility services, failing civic agencies in urban centres, the breakdown of law and order in the rural areas, the increasing cost of health care, education, and suicidal trends among young people are a source of frustration for the people.
Under these circumstances, there is little possibility that big names of feudals, who have traditionally dominated Sindh’s politics, could get elected to the Sindh Assembly.
“This change in popular opinion is going to play an important role in the coming elections, particularly in Sindh, where the rising cost of living has made it difficult for the people to make the two ends meet.
The people are of the views if a fair and transparent election process is ensured, engineered results are not presented as a fait accompli.
