Yet another alliance

WITH six political parties coming together to form an alliance, yet another “national” group has made its appearance. Formed in the wake of the controversial referendum, the National Alliance seems to be a gathering of ambitious politicians, down but not out. The personalities include men like Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, Farooq Laghari and Mumtaz Bhutto who have played significant roles in national politics. These leaders would resent being dubbed pro-government, but there is no doubt they enjoy the military’s blessings. As it is, President Musharraf and his colleagues have made no secret of their distaste for Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif and have declared time and again that the two would not be allowed to stage a political comeback. The religious parties were favourably disposed towards the military government initially, but they, too, have fallen out with the generals in the aftermath of the Sept 11 crisis. This left some parties in the field lacking grassroots support but widely seen to be enjoying government backing. Normally, the formation of a political alliance by parties on the political periphery should not arouse much interest. However, what adds significance to the National Alliance is the unmistakable impression that another IJI — Islami Jamhoori Ittehad — is in the offing.

The IJI was formed with the specific purpose of defeating the PPP headed by Benazir Bhutto. Her government, enjoying the National Assembly’s majority, had been dismissed under Article 58-2b on charges of corruption, and an alliance was formed to ensure its defeat in the 1990 election. The IJI was formed and funded by the ISI out of money given by the Mehran Bank. The scam is confirmed because former army chief General Mirza Aslam Beg went public with it several times. There is also a case pending in the Supreme Court. The ensuing elections were rigged to keep the PPP out of power and a government headed by Nawaz Sharif having the generals’ blessings assumed power. Given the National Alliance parties’ pro-government orientation, one wonders whether the nation is about to see a repeat of the 1990 drama.

Last month’s referendum was a controversial affair. It in no way strengthened the Musharraf government’s democratic credentials. If the aid-giving nations have not reacted too strongly to it, it is because they appreciate Islamabad’s role in the war on terrorism and its cooperation in the military operations against the Taliban and al-Qaeda. However, they have made it clear that it is the parliamentary elections in October that will truly determine the military government’s commitment to restore democracy. If the October elections are free, fair and transparent, then the federal and provincial assemblies coming into being as a result will truly represent the hopes and aspirations of the people of Pakistan. On the other hand, if an impression of rigging gains ground, and the new alliance is supported the way the IJI was by the ISI, then the nation and the world at large will refuse to accept the poll outcome. In fact, Pakistan in that case may be caught in another full-blown crisis if there is evidence of rigging and the people take to the streets to register their protest. It is with this apprehension that one sees the formation of the new six-party alliance. One hopes the government will not patronize any of the political parties or alliances, nor will it attempt to influence the election results. Who will be elected to the assemblies and who will rule Pakistan should be left to the people, who will decide this issue through a fair and free electoral exercise in October.

Freedom for Suu Kyi

THE release of the Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi from 19 months of house arrest by the ruling junta of Myanmar on Monday gives new hopes for democracy to millions of her compatriots. It seems the military regime has finally come to terms with her presence on Myanmar soil — something Ms Kyi has struggled to maintain against heavy odds since her return to Yangon in 1988. Heading her National League for Democracy, which won a resounding victory in the 1990 election and shocked the generals, Ms Kyi was under detention for many years. All along, the military expected her to leave Myanmar and return to England, where her children live. Ms Kyi has firmly refused to oblige, despite having suffered the loss of her mother in 1989 in Yangon, and subsequently, her British husband who died of cancer in England.

Forty long years of military dictatorship have marred Myanmar politics and denied this otherwise rich country the development of its many natural and human resources, with the result that the country is among the most impoverished in the world today. Forced to return home to tend to her ailing mother, Ms Kyi — daughter of her country’s founding-father General Aung San — was looked upon as a messiah by her people. For 14 years she has persevered, and struggled to establish civilian rule as Myanmar sank deeper into economic crisis, finally forcing the regime to free her. But her release alone will not take Yangon out of the woods, or bring the badly needed foreign investment. It is time the generals realized that their despotic rule is the real reason for Myanmar’s pariah status, which can only be changed by paving the way for democracy.

Killers on the loose

THE brutal killing of the principal of a government educational institution in Karachi on Monday bore all the marks of yet another targeted sectarian killing. Syed Zafar Mehdi Zaidi, his driver and peon were shot dead by masked gunmen as they drove towards the Jamia Millia Polytechnic Institute, where Mr Zaidi worked. The murderous attack was a chilling reminder that the spate of such killings continues unabated. Clearly, those bent on spreading scare in society by engaging in targeted killings have not been deterred by the government’s on-going crackdown on extremist religious groups. The latest incident comes in the wake of a large number of similar attacks. The medical profession, in particular, has had to face the brunt of such attacks, with doctors falling victim with alarming regularity to what are clearly targeted sectarian killings. Lawyers and teachers too have not been spared in recent months.

Frustrated and angered by the government’s inability to curb this killing spree and to catch and punish those responsible for the attacks, doctors have launched a protest campaign, and on a couple of occasions even gone on strike. The killings, however, refuse to abate. Doctors, teachers and lawyers are particularly vulnerable to attack because of the public nature of their jobs. Although the authorities are well aware that certain groups are under particular threat, they have failed to protect them. The record of the intelligence agencies in trying to infiltrate and break the gangs engaged in such activities has so far been abysmal. The law enforcement agencies too have not been able to track down the killers, who often operate with impunity in broad daylight. Sectarian killings of this nature are a terrible blot on our society. A country which cannot protect the lives of its most selfless professionals, and where doctors and teachers live in fear of their lives, has no right to consider itself civilized.