What is wrong with cops?
By Nusrat Nasarullah
KARACHI is a strange city, struggling to remain stable with its citizens striving to sustain their sanity. At times it appear that despite all developments and progress, that are talked about, there is a mental illness and a hostile division that seem to characterize much of what happens and unfolds in a terrifying manner.
I was going to Peshawar last month on a short visit and could not reach the Jinnah terminal via Sharea Faisal which was closed due to sectarian troubles. The closure of a main artery of Sindh’s capital is beyond comprehension.
And now take the incident in which it is reported that cops in uniform gang-raped two sisters in Ramsawami, that led to violence in the area. Not just a deep shame, but fear, anger and protest is what one feels. Then, as one thinks, there is also a feeling of helplessness and vulnerability. Anything to do with the police, and a citizen may get the shivers. And what to think of reforms and image of the police; who is creating the obstacles, one wonders.
I read about the incident Wednesday morning after returning from Islamabad late Tuesday night. So this is how the city underwent a day before. And a report in Dawn said: “Tension gripped the Ramswami area on Tuesday and all kinds of commercial activity remained suspended in protest against the gang-rape of two sisters by a group of serving policemen.” Read each word and it could terrify each family. We thought such incidents could only occur in the less-developed parts of the country, or in the rural areas, where the vices of feudalism and landlordism prevail. But that this kind of an incident has taken place in the main urban centre of Pakistan is something that calls for a deep soul-searching. It also exposes all the values that truly operate, even in the guise of individuals who are supposed to stand up for law, and symbolise the virtues of a decent society.
One presumes that Sindh police chief Syed Kamal Shah’s orders to arrest the five accused (including two servings cops) have materialized by now; one also presumes that most citizens have read the disgusting details of what happened to a family. Can that happen to other families. Will this society of the Islamic Republic learn to respect its women? It is time to mourn again.
There have been widespread condemnations of the Ramswami incident. The Karachi City Council has unanimously condemned the gang-rape. City Nazim Naimatullah Khan has offered his regrets, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement has sought exemplary punishment for the accused, a public protest demonstration has demanded action against “the rapists in uniforms”, the Lawyers for Human Rights and Legal Aid has said “the gory crime has become more heinous as it had been committed by the law enforcers themselves”.
The IGP has suspend the SHO of the Nabi Baksh police station and the MQM has ‘dubbed’ the Garden police headquarters as a ‘den of crimes’ and underlined something that is very worrying to say the least.
The more one goes through the coverage of the incident in the press, the more uneasy one feels about the state of our law and order situation, with particular reference to the police. What has happened to all the reforms that had been trumpeted about during all these years? It has been a lifetime of promises and proposals, and it has been that long a period of futility, it seems now.
One does not know how it is going to change, despite all the pious intentions and solemn promises that are made by officialdom. How can a citizen feel secure if an incident like Ramswami takes place? How safe is one’s home, if this kind of an experience has come to light.
There is a need to take another aspect of the reported story. That the police were deliberately trying to cover up the incident and create delaying tactics in the registration of an FIR. Now what is new? Someone kept promising that the police would register the FIR at the doorstep of the citizen. Why do we say things that we do not mean is a very simple question. Why do officials make promises and stretch to new degrees of emptiness their rhetoric, and give to absurdity new mileage.
What has so far not come to light is the causes of the crime. There is much that needs to be exposed and explained not only to the Ramswami citizens but to the people in other parts of the city. It is the perception of the public that one can get away with crime, especially in such circumstances.
So what the City Nazim has promised after visiting the family is what one looks forward to and this is what he has said “Justice will certainly be dispensed and it will be the kind of justice that the whole city will witness” (Dawn).
The city has witnessed gangsterism and it is only fair that it now witnesses justice being dispensed. If the police bosses can use this occasion to do a cleanup act it would not only be appropriate on a short term basis, but on a long term basis too, insists a senior citizen, visibly enraged.


Remembering a freedom fighter in Mir Jafar Khan Jamali
By Azra Jamali
POLITICAL acumen, intelligence, prudence, foresight, astuteness, sensibility and judgment are essential qualities of a true leadership and these are not directly dependent on literacy, formal schooling or university degrees. They have more to do with social upbringing and values, introspection, and learning from people through interaction and interface based on interest, respect and humility. One living evidence of this in our recent past was Mir Jafar Khan Jamali, one of the most trusted allies of Quaid-i-Azam and an illustrious freedom fighter of the Pakistan Movement.
He was a great visionary, a staunch Muslim Leaguer, though a traditional, but a far-sighted progressive Baloch tribal leader. No wonder, the Quaid called him the ‘gateway to Balochistan’.
Mir Sahib, as he is remembered by many, had a 45-year dynamic political career that witnessed fight with the British, participation in the Khilafat Movement, bridging gap between Afghan and Baloch Sardar, leadership role in the Independence Movement and later in the Pakistan Solidarity Movement.
His exact date of birth is not known but according to the late Sindhi nationalist leader, G.M. Syed, Mir Sahib was born on Feb 14, 1908, in Rojhan. His early informal but traditional education was in Arabic and Persian. Later, in his young and active days he appointed famous writer Naseem Hijazi as his tutor for spoken English. This relationship later led to publication of a newspaper Tanzeem from Quetta with Nasim Hijazi as its editor and Mir Sahib solely funding it. Free copies of the paper were distributed to some 500 activists in Balochistan and Sindh. This newspaper also played a memorable part in the struggle for Pakistan.
His first meeting with the Quaid was in Bombay in the early thirties that culminated into an historical association. He pursued a land case “Jamalis vs the Crown,” a land dispute that began in 1928, when the British declared purchase deed of hundred and fifty thousand acres of land void. This land was bought by Mir Sahib’s grandfather, who was affectionately called Sakhi (the Generous), from the Khan of Kalat for Rs40,000. The British monarchy was unwilling to hand over this land to the Jamalis. Having lost the case to Jamalis in the Delhi and Bombay High Courts, they went to the Privy Council, London. The case was also recommended to the Khan of Kalat, who also decided in favour of the Jamalis. However, it was at Bombay that Mir Sahib met the Quaid for the first time, and appointed him his lawyer, along with Bhola Bhai Desai and Chaudhry Mohammed Ali. That was the beginning of Mir Sahib’s association with the Quaid and Muslim League. The case was finally decided in 1936 and the Privy Council upheld the earlier decisions. Since the Quaid was in London for the Round-Table Conference, he did not charge fee and in return requested for the Baloch Sardars’ affiliation with the Muslim League, which he eventually won with the vigorous efforts of Mir Sahib.
Mir Jafar Khan Jamali formally joined the Muslim League during the Quaid’s visit to Jacobabad in the capacity of the President of All-India Muslim League on October 16, 1938. On the insistence of Sir Abdullah Haroon, Jacobabad was included in his itinerary to the Sindh visit. On arrival at the Jacobabad station they were aghast to find out that there was no local leader for their welcome due to the Congress Chief Minister, Khan Bahadur Allah Bakhsh Soomro’s regime. Sir Abdullah Haroon rushed to the local Muslim League leader Hakim Qaiduddin in desperation who informed Mir Sahib. As he found out that there was no one to greet the Quaid and even the waiting room of the railway station was locked, he gathered all his tribesmen and ordered them to reach the scene and extend a befitting reception to the Quaid. Thus, the whole scenario changed and a congregation was held at the Jacobabad Eidgah. It became the turning point in Mir Sahib’s life, as on this occasion he announced his decision to join Muslim League. In his speech on the occasion, he said: “When a Baloch calls someone a friend, he keeps his words and fulfilling that, we wholeheartedly welcome the Quaid amidst the bullets.”
Although he had family terms with the then chief minister, he made it clear to him that by restraining his administration, his government had committed a big blunder. “Now all my wishes and loyalties rest with the Quaid and Muslim League,” he avowed. Time proved he stuck to his words.
After continued efforts of Mir Sahib and Nawab Mohammed Khan Jogezai, another veteran Muslim Leaguer, Quaid-i-Azam and Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah visited Quetta in June 1943, where they were accorded an overwhelming welcome.
Mir Sahib didn’t care about portfolios or positions; his main concern and preference was to be able to play a role in the well-being of Muslims and the people of Balochistan. In his efforts for accession of Balochistan to Pakistan, he mustered all his efforts, energies and resources for the cause and worked selflessly. This spirit is evident from the fact that he proposed to the Quaid that Qazi Mohammad Isa be made the president of Muslim League, Balochistan, as he thought that he was more acquainted with the latest trends, being well and foreign educated. Likewise, in 1946, he nominated Nawab Jogezai to represent Balochistan in the Constituent Assembly.
Various elements in the Balochistan politics tried to create distrust among the Baloch Sardars, the Pakhtun leaders affiliated with the Congress, Shahi Jirga members and the provincial Muslim League leadership. However, these discrepancies did not hamper the cause and subsequently, all the Baloch Sardars and Pakhtun leaders gathered at one platform and voted for joining Pakistan. Relentless efforts of Mir Sahib and Nawab Mohammed Khan Jogezai along with certain allies made the annexation of Balochistan to Pakistan possible through the Shahi Jirga. Since both these leaders had a positive approach as astute Sardars they managed to gather the Sardars of Sibi, Marri and Bugti tribes, as well as, the Pakhtoon elders and Jirga members from Pishin, etc.
Despite conspiracies, the referendum was held on June 29, 1947, at the Town Hall, Quetta. On this occasion, Mir Sahib in his speech warned the people of Balochistan of the possibility of the Hindu slavery and its consequences. He said: “Nations sacrifice their young blood and generations for the freedom and solidarity, and today we need a few persons to do that.” Arguing that either we should be part of Pakistan or Hindustan, he asked did we need to discuss this issue? “Would you be a part of the Sikh and Gorkha forces rather than a fortress of Islam?” was his inciting question. Hence, the resolution of joining Pakistan was ratified by the Shahi Jirga.
During the freedom struggle, the post-independence days and particularly during the Ayub Khan era, he travelled extensively. Being a man of principles he never bowed to injustice and preferred loyalty to prosperity. He was a staunch opponent of Ayub Khan and One-Unit and a trustworthy companion of Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah. He was arrested many times by the Martial Law authorities, for his provocative speeches against the then government and un-deterring affiliation with Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah. Due to his differences with the Ayub regime, he abstained from attending the state receptions in honour of Queen Elizabeth, President Eisenhower of America and Jamal Abdul Nasir of Egypt.
Ironically, the contributions of the Baloch and other regional leaders in Pakistan have not been duly recognized by the authorities and officially-sponsored historians. It is regrettable that their contributions have not been given due share of appreciation and considered unimportant, historically speaking.
Mir Sahib, in his personal and social life acted like a visionary and an enlightened person. He was an epitome of values, traditions and character. He sent his children to England, Dehra Doon, Aitchison College and other prestigious schools in Lahore and Quetta. He encouraged and financially supported numerous youth in Sindh and Balochistan for studies. Thanks to his patronage, the deprived Sindhi and Balochi youth progressed in education, business and jobs.
Although Mir Sahib suffered many heart attacks during the freedom struggle, it was the weakening of civil governments and the rifts within, which deteriorated his health. He died on April 7, 1967 in Karachi and was buried at his ancestral graveyard “Sakhi” in Rojhan. Many leaders and his contemporaries attended his funeral and condoled his death including Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah, who said that she had lost another brother today.

