PRESIDENT Musharraf’s address to the nation on January 12 was in many ways a landmark event. In a broader context, the speech reaffirmed the policies which his government had adopted to reform society for some time, and being pursued at an accelerated pace since September 11 last year.

However, the resolve, clarity and speed with which his government wants to act under the current compelling external and internal circumstances give the progress a new meaning and dimension. Indeed, by a quirk of history, the country’s policies of the last two decades have come full circle, marking a sea change from the policies that previous governments as well as the present one have been following in the past.

It clearly demonstrates a monumental failure of some of our past domestic and foreign policies in the formulation of which, ironically, the military had a crucial role to play. Successive governments over the past several decades never heeded the advice preferred by the saner section of opinion about the flaws in the Afghan and Kashmir policies and had ultimately to yield to international and regional pressure for reform and change. Nevertheless, it is courageous and prudent on the part of President Musharraf to grasp the reality and to seize this opportunity to change those policies and to recast Pakistan in consonance with the vision of its founding father.

Ideologically and politically, the president wants to cleanse society of extremism and foster the positive and liberating tenets of Islam as the guiding norm of the body politic so that the real potential of the country could be actualized. The Imperatives of economic development and globalization are also important factors that have motivated the government to change course. This policy in fact has already started paying dividend by bringing Pakistan back into the international mainstream.

Implementing this bold and radical programme of reforming and recasting will not be easy, however, and is likely to be met with resistance from the disaffected politico-religious groups and parties and even from some elements within the establishment itself whose vested interests have been deeply hurt. Sustaining these policies in the post-October 2002 democratic dispensation would be another challenge.

Fortunately, there is a realization among the people that the religious parties have nothing concrete to offer and in some cases their leadership is even corrupt and self-serving and their policies and actions dangerous for the country. The sudden and traumatic collapse of the Taliban regime in the neighbourhood has further reinforced this impression. Despite this, the government will have to do a lot more to ensure the success of its reforms.

Holding leaders of extremist religious groups and other militants under detention can only be a short term measure and will have to be accompanied by efforts to engage them and make them a part of normal civil society. Equally important is their integration into the national economy. Closing Madressahs and religious organizations that are indulging in militancy would be merely an administrative step and the easier part of the job. Outlawed seminaries and organizations can quickly re-emerge in the mosques, homes or even on streets. The real challenge lies in rooting out the culture of militancy and correcting the warped world view of the youth and party activists, which is a long- drawn process.

Political activity will have to be revived so that mainstream politics can be pursued and chances of groups going underground are minimized. The military government should develop a consensus with the major political parties in combating militancy and terrorism that will give longevity and effectiveness to the reform programme.

Revival of the economy should take precedence without which all efforts of the government in fighting extremism and terrorism will be in vain. If the youth remain unemployed and poverty keeps spreading, extremist religious parties will easily be able to whip up sentiments against the government and drag the country back into the vortex of jihadi culture. Western world and Japan, which are very supportive of measures taken by the government to combat terrorism, will have to provide long-term assistance for the economy to be revived and placed on a sound footing.

Every government including the present one, has been neglecting education, but this is no longer possible if Pakistan has to modernize and fight the twin scourge of poverty and militancy. Giving a high priority to education will facilitate the task of reforming the madressahs.

As regards Kashmir, President Musharraf’s speech has made it clear that the support for the freedom struggle will remain confined to political, moral and diplomatic means. Non-state actors will not be allowed to pursue their own agenda of indulging in insurgency and targeting civilians. It would be in Pakistan’s, as well as Kashmir’s, interests if the political route is strictly adhered to because that will lend greater moral weight to the cause and reduce the negative fallout of militancy on our civil society.

It would be prudent if India were to be patient with Pakistan, consistent with its political imperatives. New Delhi should acknowledge the progress made by Pakistan in dismantling the structures of militancy by reciprocating gestures. Truly, the terrorists who committed the dastardly attack on the Indian parliament building on Dec 13 are common enemies of India, Pakistan and the people of Kashmir. India’s rage is understandable but to make Pakistan the target of war threats without any solid evidence of its involvement is unjustified. India’s massive military build-up on the borders aimed possibly at extracting maximum political concessions from Pakistan can prove to be dangerous and counter-productive.

What does India want to achieve by this dangerous brinkmanship, particularly when President Musharraf has acted boldly and decisively against the extremists? In fact, Pakistan’s, as well as India’s, interests will be best served if General Musharraf’s policies succeed. A cooperative as opposed to a confrontational approach is needed. By undermining Islamabad’s efforts New Delhi would be strengthening the hands of the extremists, which, regrettably, are plenty on both sides of the divide. Keeping a hawkish posture by the ruling BJP may be politically expedient in the context of the forthcoming crucial state elections in India, but it would in fact be inadvertently supporting the spread of terrorism.

New Delhi is currently making three additional demands on Pakistan. It wants Pakistan to ensure that there is no “terrorist activity” launched from Azad Kashmir and that there should be a marked reduction in the in